OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 17 August 1529: Cromwell Writes to John Creke in Spain

Parliament of 1523, RCIN 1047414

While this letter does not have a year on the letter itself, Cromwell talks of Parliament, and Parliament only sat twice in the 1520s (mid-1523 and late 1529). The messy handwriting is an honest and casual letter to one of Cromwells closest friends, John Creke, who was in Bilbao, Spain, working as a merchant. Creke regularly wrote long letters despairing at being apart form Cromwell.

THOMAS CROMWELL TO JOHN CREKE, 17 August 1523* (SP 1/28 f. 154)

To my special and entyrelye belouyd Frende John Creke be this youyn Bylbowe in Biscaye.

Master Creke, as heartily as I can, I commend me, and in the same way thank you for your gentle and loving letters to me at various times. I accordingly have not likewise remembered and written, as it has been that I have not had anything to write or which to advertise to you. I assure you if it were in my little power, I could be well contented to favour you as far as any one man living. But at present, I am somewhat intending to remember and remunerate old acquaintances, and to renew our not forgotten various communications. Supposing you desire to know the current news in these parts, it is said that news refreshes the spirit of life.

You shall understand that for a long time, I among others have endured a Parliament which contended the space of 17 whole weeks where we communed of war, peace, strife, contention, debate, murmured grudges, riches, poverty, penury, truth, falsehood, justice, equity, distaste, oppression, magnanimity, accurate force, intemperance, treason, murder, felony, consuls… and also how a common wealth might be edified and continued within our realm. However, in conclusion we have done as our predecessors have done, that is to say, that we left where we began.

You should also know the Duke of Suffolk is furnished with a great army to go with all goodly haste when I know not, when I know I shall advertise you. Our Parliament granted the King’s Highness a right large subsidy, the like whereof was never granted in this realm. All your friends, to my knowledge, be in good health and especially those that you want of: you know what I mean. I think it best to write in parables because I am in doubt. Master Vaughan fares well, and also Master Munkcaster. Master Woodall is merry without a wife and I commend you. So is Nicholas Longmede, who has paid William Wilford. And thus, fare you well as I would do myself. At London, the 17th day of August by your friend to all his possible power

THOMAS CRUMWELL

OTD with Thomas Cromwell 6 February 1530: Wolsey begs Cromwell’s help yet again

Thomas Wolsey c.1520. NPG32

On 6 February 1530, Cardinal Thomas Wolsey was looking to have his various vague charges of praemunire, and potential treason dropped by the king, after a blisteringly harsh parliament tried to have him convicted, the penalty being execution. Only Thomas Cromwell had spoken out in Wolsey’s defence, which had softened King Henry’s stance, and several others had tried to speak in Cromwell’s name to the king’s praising him and his courage, most notably Sir John Russell and Sir John Gage. Wolsey wrote many begging, pleading, woeful letters to Cromwell though the final months of 1529 and early 1530, begging for help and money, even though Cromwell visited Esher Place regularly, and paid wages and for supplies for the household.

On 6 February 1530, the king was close to caving and forgiving Wolsey for not securing an annulment, and several had gently tried to persuade the king to relent, catching Anne Boleyn’s anger in the process. Two letters from Wolsey survive, both attributed 6 February 1530, begging Cromwell to help him, as Cromwell had not recently visited Esher, due to the death of his wife Elizabeth. Wolsey was more concerned with himself than Cromwell’s retreat to Austin Friars in pain. Here is a portion of both letters, taken from my book of Cromwell letters, with my modern spelling and punctuation. Italics are all mine.

THOMAS WOLSEY TO THOMAS CROMWELL 6 FEBRUARY (Cott. App. XLVIII. 19)

“Mine only comfort, at the reverence of God leave me not now, for if you do I shall not long live in this wretched world. You will not believe how I am altered, for that I have heard nothing from you of your proceedings and expeditions in my matters… I hope you will not allow all your former labours to me to be cast away. I beg you to redub (restore) the matter, continue your accustomable goodness and sent me some comfort… Written this morning with a moste heavy heart, by your assured, Thomas Cromwell, we are miserable and unfortunate.”

  • This second letter is very mutilated and difficult to decipher. Wolsey tries to instruct Cromwell to speak to Secretary Stephen Gardiner and Treasurer William Fitzwilliam, and asks that Henry Norris and John Russell speak to the king on Wolsey’s behalf. He also requests John Arundell to travel to Esher and that Henry Percy was lying to the king about Wolsey. There was also a charge that Wolsey had coins minted with his face rather than the king’s which raised questions of further treason. It was Cromwell you spoke to the king on Wolsey’s behalf that following week, and got Wolsey’s charges all dropped.

THOMAS WOLSEY TO THOAMS CROMWELL 6 FEBRUARY 1530 (Cott. App. XLVIII. 18)

“Mine own good, trusty, and most assured refuge in this, my calamity. I am so encumbered with heaviness and anxiety that I cannot remember everything, but I trust to you to supply what we lack…  that you may be plain to Mr. Treasurer (Fitzwilliam), and specially Mr Steven (Gardiner), who, upon consideration thereof, may be the (person?) with the king in allotting and appointing of my pardon if he listen. No man can do me more good and you … yourself refer that his opinion was that I should have no less then 4,000l (£1.8 million today) yearly to live with, which mine… degree considered is with the lest, I could not forbear putting you in remembrance hereof, remitting the bettering thereof to your wisdom and good handling; and as touching the coin (where Wolsey had his face minted on a series of coins in 1526, which was seen as treason) with the letters and badge in the same, you may for your better knowledge refer to Robert Amadas and other officers (of the mint )… learned how the usage has been (done in this way for centuries)… I would gladly have (lawyer and attendant John) Arundell (here)… (Henry Percy, Earl of) Northumberland’s untrue and wrong information … meant mean betwixt him (and I?) … Mr. Norris, Sir John Russell … my good and ever be greatly to my comfort.”

Wolf Hall 2: The Mirror and the Light – Thomas Cromwell Quick Q+A

BBC/Nick Briggs

Welcome to part 4 of Wolf Hall 2: The Mirror and the Light facts about moments seen in Thomas Cromwell’s life at court. Today is a quick round-up of questions asked that don’t require a whole post of explanation on their own. So let’s start –

Wolf Hall is Jane Seymour’s home. What is The Mirror and the Light?

On 28 November 1538, Cromwell wrote a letter to Sir Thomas Wyatt (Harl. MSS. 282, f. 217), who was King Henry’s ambassador to Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, and travelling Europe with the Emperor’s court. Wyatt was not a good ambassador, and relations between the countries were started to deteriorate. Cromwell updated Wyatt on Henry Courtenay, Marquess of Exeter and Henry Pole, Lord Montagu, the Catholics traitors,  and asked Wyatt to get the Emperor  to intervene on several subjects were making trouble for London merchants. In the letter, Cromwell wrote of King Henry exercising his right as the supreme head of the church by burning Sacramentarian John Lambert a week earlier:

‘…undoubtedly [Emperor Charles] should have much marvelled at [King Henry’s] most high wisdom and judgement, and reputed him none otherwise, after the same, than in manner of the mirror and light of all other kings and princes in Christendom.’

King Henry is the mirror, and everyone and everything should reflect his brilliance. Henry is the shining light of princely splendour all should look up to. Being out of Henry’s light/favour is like being in the darkness. The letter is extremely flattering of Henry, since it would be read and repeated at the Emperor’s court, and could reveal nothing of reality, only a glowing picture of praise and perfection.

Was Thomas Cromwell the Lord Chancellor of England?

NO. Thomas Cromwell was never the Lord Chancellor. Thomas Wolsey was Lord Chancellor, followed by Thomas More, and then Thomas Audley. Cromwell assumed the role without title between more’s resignation in May 1532, and Audley’s appointment in January 1533, and was not always in a good mood about the position or workload. Audley was a puppet; he would do anything the king wanted, and he was easily intimidated, so Cromwell could yell at Audley whenever he made an error  and Audley would beg and grovel for forgiveness (Audley complained a lot, especially about his yearly salary of 800l or £350,000 today, plus bonuses. Cromwell always told him to shut it because it annoyed the king). Audley and his protégé Richard Rich really ran with Henry’s plan to dissolve monasteries when Cromwell didn’t want to move forward, but other than that, Cromwell had total control and authority over all matters. Audley never intervened in Cromwell’s business, despite technically being higher ranked until 1536. (Lord Chancellor was ranked second in the realm after the archbishops. In 1536, Cromwell became the Vicegerent of England, the new number one in order of precedence, putting Lord Chancellor down to third).

Thomas Cromwell was, in 1539, Lord Cromwell, Baron of Wimbledon the Vicegerent of England, Lord Privy Seal, Vicar-general of England, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Principal Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer, the first-ever layman Dean of Wells, and Commissioner for the Peace in seven counties, Chancellor and High Steward of Cambridge University, Master of the Jewel House, Clerk of the Hanaper, and Steward of the Duchy of Lancaster, Essex, Hertfordshire and Middlesex, the Receiver of Petitions in the House of Lords, highest ranked man in the House of Lords, Warden and Chief Justice in Eyre, Prebendary of Salisbury, Steward of Westminster Abbey and Savoy Manor, Constable of Hertford Castle, Berkeley Castle and Gloucestershire Castle, Recorder of Bristol, Commissioner for the Subsidy to print the Bible, Lordship of Edmonton, Sainsbury, Hovering and Writtle, and  master of every single powerful man in the country of Ireland. By 1540, Cromwell was also the Earl of Essex and Lord Great Chamberlain. At that point that was basically nothing left for Cromwell to control, other than being the Lord Treasurer, but Norfolk held that role and seemed to live forever.

Sometimes people write Cromwell as Lord Chancellor because it is easier to understand in modern terms. Cromwell was the only person to ever be England’s Vicegerent, and no one person will ever receive that much power again.

Did Cromwell feel guilt over Anne Boleyn?

Certainly not that he ever mentioned where it would be recorded. It would have been insanity to have expressed guilt or sympathy. Archbishop Cranmer wrote to King Henry to make sure he didn’t go down with her, and so the Reformation would be safe without Anne on the throne. Cranmer was frozen out by the king for a while for this, and had his prime lands and manors confiscated, and given to Cromwell after Anne’s death. Mortlake Manor was the traditional home of the Archbishop of Canterbury since its construction 500 years earlier, and Crowmell relatives had worked there as servants. Cromwell then owned the property and made it grander than ever.

Cromwell did say to Ambassador Eustace Chapuys that Anne Boleyn handled herself well through her trial. Everyone knew she was innocent, but no one was stupid enough to say anything. I cover the whole period about Anne’s death in my book on the subject.

Did King Henry actually say he could make Cromwell the king after himself if he wanted at the Privy Council meeting?

No, that was just an imagined scene of the king flexing his power over all the nobles. Likewise, Cromwell and Fitzwilliam never came to blows like that at a meeting. It is another piece of fiction laid out to be reflected in later episodes. I will do a separate post about Cromwell and Fitzwilliam, as their relationship was very interesting.

BBC/Playground Entertainment/Nick Briggs

Did Cromwell spend time with Dorothea Wolsey?

There is no evidence of this; ‘Dorothea’ is a just a plot-point for Cromwell’s guilt. There are letters between Cardinal Wolsey’s three children and Cromwell. Most of the letters come from Thomas Wynter, Wolsey’s eldest son, born 1510 to Joan Larke, was always travelling in Europe, and always looking for money. Cromwell was one of Wynter’s financial babysitters, and felt sorry for Wynter after his father’s death. There are extensive papers showing Wolsey’s favour towards Wynter, and Cromwell got him set up in a comfortable life in the North in the 1530s, and he later became the Dean of Wells.

Dorothy was born in 1513, her mother also Joan Larke. Her surname was Clancey, the name of her adoptive family in Dorset. She was placed in Shaftesbury Abbey for her education and upbringing where many nobles sent their daughters, and just fell under Cromwell’s ban of no one being allowed to take holy orders from age 24 or younger in 1535. Cromwell soon changed the laws, so no one under 20 could enter the church, and Dorothy could technically  become a nun. The rich and well-appointed Shaftesbury Abbey was closed in 1539, and Dorothy Clancey was given a pension. She was never heard from again, and she certainly never met Thomas Cromwell.

Wolsey’s third child was Thomas Minterne (though his mother is uncertain), born in about 1516. Minterne grew up in Sherborne, ten miles from his sister Dorothy. Wolsey sent Minterne to New Oxford College and Cromwell ensured he was made a fellow at only 17 years old in 1533. Cromwell then sent Minterne to study in Europe in 1538, and when he returned to England broke in 1542, King Henry gave Minterne a cozy job at Salisbury Cathedral, which he kept for the next 20 years or so.

(Joan Larke married George Legh and had another four children, and then married Sir George Paulet in 1530, but died giving birth two years later, though her son William survived. Joan must have been quite young when having Wolsey’s children, maximum no more than 20 years old. Joan’s baby William Paulet was cousin of John Paulet, 2nd Marquess of Winchester, who married Elizabeth Cromwell, widow of Gregory Cromwell. These people really never moved around much).

All sources come from The Private Life of Thomas Cromwell and The Letters and Remembrances of Thomas Cromwell. My publisher might come for you if you plagiarise.