MY HEARTY COMMENDATIONS: THE TRANSCRIBED LETTERS AND REMEMBRANCES OF THOMAS CROMWELL NEW EDITION 2025

January 1936 

•   7 January – Cortes Dissolved for New Elections: President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora dissolved the Cortes and called new elections for February 1936. This effectively admitted the conservative coalition had become unstable,  and it triggered the polarised election campaign that followed. The decision angered many on the right, especially CEDA supporters under José María Gil-Robles, who believed the left might return to power through coalition politics.
• 15 January – Formation of the Popular Front: The Popular Front alliance was formally established. The agreement united republicans,  socialists,  communists,  and regional left-wing groups. This was one of the most important political developments before the war because it transformed the election into a direct left-versus-right struggle.

January 1936 opened with Spain already deeply unstable after nearly five years of political conflict under the Second Republic. Although civil war had not yet begun, much of the country was increasingly divided into hostile ideological camps that no longer trusted one another’s legitimacy. The political atmosphere of January was shaped heavily by the aftermath of the 1934 Asturian uprising. In October 1934, socialist miners and workers in Asturias had launched an armed revolt against the right-wing government, fearing that conservative and authoritarian forces were destroying the Republic from within. The uprising was crushed brutally by the army under officers including Francisco Franco. Thousands were arrested afterward –  socialist leaders, trade unionists, anarchists,  miners, and Republican activists. Throughout January 1936, the fate of these prisoners remained one of the most explosive political issues in Spain.

On the left, the prisoners became symbols of working-class resistance and state repression. Socialist and communist newspapers continuously demanded amnesty. Mass meetings and rallies across industrial cities called for their release. On the right, conservatives argued the Asturian revolt had revealed the true revolutionary intentions of the left. Many army officers increasingly believed Spain faced a Bolshevik-style revolution similar to Russia in 1917. This mutual fear shaped nearly every political discussion during January.

Spain’s political centre continued weakening throughout January. Moderate republican governments had struggled since the founding of the Republic in 1931 to balance land reform, Church reform, military reform, workers’ rights, regional autonomy, and conservative resistance. By 1936, compromise itself increasingly appeared impossible. The conservative coalition governing Spain since 1933 was internally divided. The most controversial figure on the right remained José María Gil-Robles, leader of the Catholic conservative CEDA party (Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas ) Gil-Robles publicly defended parliamentary politics, yet many on the left viewed him as sympathetic to authoritarianism and European fascist movements. His rallies increasingly adopted militaristic imagery of mass salutes, disciplined youth groups, and rhetoric focused on order, religion, and anti-Marxism. Meanwhile, the Falange expanded its presence during January. The movement, founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, remained relatively small numerically, but its influence grew through violence and propaganda. Falangist militants carried out street attacks against  socialist activists, trade unionists, and Republican opponents.

In response, left-wing organisations increasingly organised self-defence groups and neighbourhood patrols. Political violence became more common in  Madrid, Barcelona, Valladolid, Seville, and Zaragoza. Street clashes between Falangists, socialists, communists, anarchists, and police forces increasingly normalised the idea of political conflict through violence rather than elections.

One of the most important developments of January 1936 was the creation of the Popular Front alliance. After years of division, left-wing parties increasingly recognised that fragmentation had helped conservatives win the 1933 election. Negotiations intensified between  republicans, socialists, communists, and regional left-wing parties. The resulting Popular Front coalition formally united diverse political groups behind several shared goals –  restoration of Republican reforms, amnesty for political prisoners, renewed land reform, protection of labour rights, and resistance to fascism. The Popular Front did not include anarchists formally, since many anarchists rejected parliamentary politics entirely, though some anarchist organisations increasingly encouraged participation against the right. The coalition alarmed conservatives immediately. Right-wing newspapers described the Popular Front as revolutionary and anti-Christian. Conservative landowners, industrialists, and sections of the Church increasingly feared property seizure, anti-clerical violence, and socialist revolution. The language used in newspapers during January became increasingly apocalyptic. Political opponents were no longer described as misguided Spaniards, but as enemies threatening civilisation itself.

Although the military conspiracy that later produced the July uprising was not yet fully organised, January saw growing political discussion among conservative officers. Many army officers resented earlier Republican military reforms introduced by Manuel Azaña during the early Republic. These reforms had reduced officer numbers, weakened traditional military privileges, and attempted to place the army more firmly under civilian authority. Some officers increasingly believed the Republic itself endangered national unity. During January, discussions intensified among conservative military circles regarding social unrest, regional separatism, anti-clericalism, and fear of revolution.

By mid-to-late January, the upcoming February election dominated Spanish politics. Campaign rallies became increasingly aggressive. In Madrid, huge meetings drew socialist workers, Catholic conservatives, monarchists, republicans, and fascist youth movements. Political posters covered walls throughout Spanish cities. Newspapers attacked opponents relentlessly. The Popular Front campaigned heavily on amnesty for the 1934 prisoners, social reform, and defence of the Republic. The right warned that Popular Front victory would produce communist revolution, destruction of religion, and collapse of social order. Both sides increasingly framed the election as a final national struggle rather than an ordinary democratic contest.

January 1936 also marked one of the first periods in Spanish history where women participated visibly in mass electoral politics after gaining suffrage in 1931. Women campaigned actively across the political spectrum. On the left –  Dolores Ibárruri campaigned for the Communist Party and Popular Front, Margarita Nelken campaigned among socialist and rural labour networks, and Victoria Kent remained active within Republican politics despite earlier electoral defeat. Meanwhile, Clara Campoamor struggled politically after divisions surrounding women’s suffrage debates earlier in the decade. By January 1936 she no longer possessed strong party backing. Conservative Catholic women also mobilised heavily during the election campaign. Religious organisations encouraged women to vote in defence of  Catholic education, family values, and protection of the Church. This became especially important because many conservatives believed female voters represented a crucial electoral force against socialism and secularism. The political participation of women itself remained controversial. Some left-wing politicians still blamed female suffrage for the conservative victory of 1933, arguing many rural women voted under Church influence. Thus, January 1936 reflected a striking contradiction where women were increasingly visible in politics, yet their political role itself remained intensely disputed.

Beyond politics, January remained economically difficult for much of Spain. In rural regions, especially Andalusia and Extremadura,  landless labourers faced severe poverty, seasonal unemployment remained widespread, and hunger persisted in many villages. Peasants increasingly demanded faster land reform and redistribution of large estates. In industrial cities strikes, labour disputes, and unemployment  continued generating instability. Housing shortages and inflation worsened tensions in working-class districts. These economic conditions helped radicalise many ordinary Spaniards who increasingly believed parliamentary compromise had failed.

 February 1936 

•   16 February – General Election: The Popular Front victory. The results immediately intensified military anxiety, conservative fear,  and labour mobilisation.
•   17–19 February – Immediate Unrest and Prisoner Releases: Even before the final results were fully confirmed, crowds demanded release of prisoners jailed after the 1934 Asturian uprising. Demonstrators gathered outside prisons across Spain. This frightened conservatives enormously because it appeared the government was already losing control to street pressure.
•   17–20 February – Debate Over Female Voting: Immediately after the election, newspapers and politicians again debated the political role of women voters.  Conservative Catholic organisations celebrated strong turnout among religious women. Meanwhile, some Republican and socialist commentators privately worried that rural women still leaned heavily conservative under Church influence. This debate became especially intense in  Granada, Castile, Navarre, and rural Catholic regions.
•  19 February – Azaña Forms Government: Manuel Azaña officially formed the new Popular Front government. This marked the formal return of the Republican left to power.  Conservatives increasingly viewed Azaña as the symbol of secular reform and anti-clerical politics.

February 1936 became one of the defining months in the collapse of the Second Spanish Republic. The general election held on 16 February did not itself begin the Civil War, but it intensified almost every existing division within Spanish society –  class conflict, regional tension, ideological extremism, religious hostility, and growing military distrust of the Republic. By the end of the month, much of the Spanish left believed democracy had narrowly survived, while much of the right increasingly believed democracy itself had failed.

The election campaign opened in an atmosphere of extraordinary political bitterness. Across Spain rallies filled city squares, political posters covered walls, newspapers attacked opponents daily, and violent clashes became increasingly common. The campaign effectively divided Spain into two competing blocs. The left-wing Popular Front (Frente Popular) united republicans, socialists, communists, regional leftists, and smaller progressive groups. The coalition promised amnesty for prisoners jailed after the 1934 Asturian uprising, restoration of land reform, labour protections, defence of the Republic, and resistance to fascism.

The right remained more fragmented. Its largest force was CEDA (Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas), led by José María Gil-Robles, who campaigned heavily on defence of Catholicism, social order, anti-socialism, and opposition to revolutionary politics. Monarchists, meanwhile, increasingly rejected the Republic altogether. Figures such as José Calvo Sotelo openly argued that parliamentary democracy was collapsing and authoritarian government might become necessary. The fascist Falange, led by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, remained smaller electorally but highly visible through violence and propaganda.

The 1936 election was only the second national election in Spanish history in which women could vote. Women participated massively attending rallies, campaigning, distributing propaganda, and voting in large numbers. Yet women’s suffrage itself remained politically controversial. After the conservative victory in the 1933 election, many figures on the left blamed female voters for helping the right win power. They argued that rural and Catholic women had voted heavily under Church influence. This controversy still shaped the 1936 election campaign.

Clara Campoamor, who had secured women’s suffrage in 1931, had become politically isolated partly because of this backlash. Many republicans quietly blamed her for expanding the electorate before Spain was supposedly ‘socially ready.’ Campoamor attempted to remain politically active in 1936 but failed to regain significant support or parliamentary office. Meanwhile, Victoria Kent, who had famously opposed immediate women’s suffrage in 1931, continued participating in Republican politics. Kent argued that many women remained heavily influenced by conservative priests and religious culture, particularly in rural Spain. The election campaign revealed how deeply politicised women’s voting had become. Dolores Ibárruri campaigned aggressively for communist and Popular Front candidates, delivering speeches focused on anti-fascism, workers’ rights, and defence of the Republic. Margarita Nelken campaigned in Badajoz and Extremadura among agricultural labourers and socialist networks, particularly focusing on rural poverty, land reform, and peasant conditions.

Catholic organisations mobilised female voters intensely, with priests encouraged women to defend religion and family values,  conservative newspapers portrayed left-wing victory as a threat to Christianity, and women’s Catholic groups organised meetings throughout Spain.

Political violence escalated steadily during February. Falangists clashed repeatedly with socialist youth groups, anarchists, communists, and Republican supporters. Shootings, beatings, and bombings occurred in several cities. Madrid became especially tense. Political meetings often ended in street fights, while newspapers increasingly described opponents as enemies rather than legitimate political rivals. The government struggled to maintain order. Police forces themselves increasingly appeared politically divided between conservative and Republican sympathies. Many Spaniards entered the election already fearing violence regardless of who won.

  16 February 1936 – Election Day

Voting took place on 16 February amid enormous turnout and intense political tension. Long queues formed outside polling stations across Spain. Security forces maintained heavy presence in many areas due to fears of clashes or intimidation. Voting patterns varied sharply by region –  industrial centres and working-class districts largely supported the Popular Front, conservative Catholic regions often supported the right, while regional nationalist areas produced more mixed results. Strong Popular Front support emerged in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Asturias, and much of the industrial north. The right remained stronger in Navarre, parts of Castile, conservative rural areas, and heavily Catholic regions.

Women voted in very large numbers. Conservative parties hoped female voters would once again support Catholic and right-wing candidates as many had in 1933. Left-wing organisations campaigned aggressively among urban and working-class women to prevent this. The election  became, in part, a referendum on the political future of Spanish women themselves through  secular citizenship versus Catholic traditionalism, labour activism versus domestic conservatism, and Republican reform versus religious social order.

The election results emerged slowly and chaotically over several days. Spain’s electoral system heavily rewarded coalitions, meaning relatively narrow vote margins could produce large parliamentary majorities. The Popular Front ultimately secured victory. Broadly, the left won roughly 4.6–4.8 million votes,  the right won roughly 4.5 million, while centrist parties collapsed badly. The final Cortes roughly produced  around 260–280 seats for the Popular Front and allies, around 130–150 seats for the right, with the remainder divided among regionalists and moderates. Several important female candidates won election with Dolores Ibárruri t representing Asturias, Margarita Nelken retained her seat for Badajoz, and Victoria Kent returned to parliament aligned with the Republican left. Clara Campoamor failed to win election.

The right immediately began complaining about irregularities and alleged fraud. José María Gil-Robles claimed that intimidation and disorder had affected the results in some areas. Monarchists and conservative newspapers increasingly argued the election had been manipulated by left-wing pressure and street violence. José Calvo Sotelo became one of the most vocal parliamentary critics of the outcome, warning that Spain was moving toward revolutionary collapse. Some local officials also disputed provincial counts, especially in areas where violence and unrest disrupted ballot reporting.  , most historians conclude that while some irregularities existed, as in many Spanish elections of the period, the Popular Front genuinely won nationally. What mattered politically was not merely the result itself, but how different groups interpreted it.

Crowds filled streets in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Bilbao, and Asturias. Political prisoners jailed after the 1934 uprising became central symbols of Popular Front victory. Demonstrators demanded immediate amnesty, and in some places crowds attempted to free prisoners before legal procedures were complete. Workers believed the election represented defeat of fascism, renewal of social reform, and restoration of the Republic’s original ideals. The right reacted very differently. Many conservatives increasingly concluded that parliamentary democracy could no longer protect religion, property, social hierarchy, or national unity. Among sections of the military, the election intensified fears of socialist revolution. Francisco Franco reportedly discussed emergency measures with government officials immediately after the election, including possible military intervention to maintain order. The government rejected such measures. By late February political prisoners were being released, strikes intensified, land occupations spread in some rural areas, Falangist violence escalated, and trust between left and right deteriorated further.

 March 1936 

•   1 March – Renewed Land Occupations Begin Expanding: Peasant occupations accelerated in Andalusia,  Extremadura,  and other agricultural regions. Landless labourers believed the Popular Front victory meant immediate agrarian reform should begin. Landowners increasingly viewed events as revolutionary seizure of property.
•   3–8 March – Early Military Conspiracy Discussions Intensify: Emilio Mola increasingly emerged as a central coordinating figure. At this stage,  conspiracy remained fragmented, but military distrust of the Republic deepened sharply.
•   14 March – Falange Officially Banned: The government banned the Falange after escalating political violence. José Antonio Primo de Rivera was arrested shortly afterward. The movement moved underground, violence intensified, and many conservatives increasingly viewed the government as persecuting the right. When the Falange was banned and José Antonio Primo de Rivera imprisoned, his sister Pilar Primo de Rivera became increasingly important organisationally. She helped maintain Falangist communication networks, organise fascist female supporters, distribute propaganda,  and preserve underground structure.
•   20 March – Franco Sent to the Canary Islands: The government transferred Francisco Franco away from mainland Spain. Other suspicious generals were also reassigned:  Emilio Mola to Pamplona,  Manuel Goded to the Balearics. Ironically, these transfers helped the conspiracy by placing generals in safer conservative regions.

March 1936 became the month in which the Popular Front’s electoral victory turned into a deep national crisis. The February election had not resolved Spain’s political divisions; instead, it intensified them. During March, the new government attempted to restore Republican reforms while political violence, military distrust, and social conflict escalated rapidly across the country.

For supporters of the Popular Front, March represented the reopening of democratic reform after years of conservative obstruction. For conservatives, monarchists, many Catholics, and increasing sections of the military, the month appeared to confirm that Spain was drifting toward revolution. Following the February election victory, Manuel Azaña became the dominant political figure within the new government. Azaña represented left-republican constitutionalism rather than revolutionary socialism. He hoped to restore parliamentary authority, secular reform, military reform, and social stability, but events increasingly moved beyond the control of moderate republican politicians.

The new government immediately began implementing Popular Front promises – political prisoners from the 1934 Asturian uprising were released,  suspended left-wing local officials were reinstated, restrictions on unions were eased,  and discussion resumed around land reform and regional autonomy. The release of prisoners became one of the defining events of early March. Throughout Spain, crowds gathered outside prisons celebrating the return of  socialist organisers, miners, anarchists, trade unionists, and political activists. In Asturias especially, the release of imprisoned miners carried enormous symbolic importance after the brutal repression following the 1934 uprising. To the left, these prisoners represented resistance against reactionary repression. To the right, their release appeared to reward revolutionaries.

The election itself remained controversial well into March, as Spain’s electoral process required review of contested provincial results, meaning disputes continued after the initial February vote. Right-wing politicians increasingly claimed the Popular Front had benefited from intimidation, mob pressure, manipulation of provincial counts, and breakdown of public order. José María Gil-Robles publicly criticised the government’s handling of post-election unrest and warned that Spain was descending into chaos. Meanwhile, José Calvo Sotelo intensified parliamentary attacks on the Republic itself, arguing that the government no longer protected law, religion, or property. The right especially objected to revised electoral rulings in some provinces where disputed seats were reassigned to Popular Front candidates after parliamentary review. Many conservatives increasingly believed the Republic’s institutions themselves had become politically compromised. Historians generally agree the Popular Front genuinely won the election overall, though local irregularities and political pressure certainly existed. What mattered politically was that many conservatives stopped trusting the legitimacy of parliamentary outcomes entirely.

Across Spain, Falangists attacked socialist activists, left-wing militants retaliated, churches were vandalised, newspaper offices were attacked, and political meetings increasingly ended in street fighting. Madrid became especially volatile. Falangist groups associated with José Antonio Primo de Rivera carried out shootings and acts of intimidation throughout the city. Although the Falange remained electorally weak, its visibility increased through militant activism and disciplined organisation. The government responded by increasing surveillance and arrests of Falangist activists. At the same time, socialist and communist youth groups expanded their own armed presence in working-class districts. Political funerals became particularly dangerous moments. Processions frequently turned into demonstrations filled with party flags, revolutionary songs, armed escorts, and retaliatory speeches. Increasingly, politics moved from parliament into the streets.

One of the most important developments of March 1936 was the growing movement of senior military officers toward organised conspiracy. The government increasingly distrusted sections of the army, particularly conservative generals associated with anti-Republican politics. To weaken possible conspirators, the government reassigned several key officers away from Madrid. These transfers would later prove historically significant. Francisco Franco was removed from his influential post and sent to the Canary Islands. Emilio Mola was transferred to Pamplona in Navarre. Manuel Goded was sent to the Balearic Islands. The government hoped dispersing suspicious generals geographically would reduce the risk of coordinated rebellion. Instead, these postings often provided safer environments for conspiracy. Pamplona especially became crucial because Navarre was deeply conservative, strongly Catholic, and home to large Carlist networks already hostile toward the Republic. During March, Mola increasingly emerged as the central organiser of military conspiracy.

Although no final uprising date yet existed, Mola began identifying sympathetic officers, establishing communications networks, and discussing possible military action with monarchists and Carlists. At this stage,  many officers still hesitated. Some feared failure, and others hoped the Republic might still stabilise. Many remained uncertain whether a coup would receive enough military support nationally.

March also saw major escalation in rural conflict. In Andalusia and Extremadura especially, landless labourers increasingly occupied large estates owned by wealthy landowners. These occupations were often organised through socialist unions or peasant organisations demanding immediate agrarian reform. Workers believed the Popular Front victory meant redistribution should begin immediately. In many villages peasants entered estates, began ploughing unused land, or demanded employment from landlords. Landowners viewed these actions as revolutionary seizure of property. Local authorities often struggled to respond because police forces were politically divided, governments feared provoking unrest, and many Republican officials sympathised with reform demands. The countryside became one of the most dangerous areas of social conflict during March.

Women remained politically active throughout March, though usually within broader party and ideological structures rather than independent women’s movements at this stage. Dolores Ibárruri became increasingly prominent through speeches defending workers, political prisoners, and anti-fascist mobilisation. Her rhetoric during March grew more militant as political violence intensified. Margarita Nelken continued advocating agrarian reform and defending socialist labour movements, particularly connected to conditions in Extremadura. Meanwhile, conservative Catholic women’s organisations expanded mobilisation in response to fears of anti-clericalism and socialism.

Religious processions and prayer gatherings became increasingly political as women attended masses defending Catholic Spain, conservative newspapers appealed heavily to female readers, and Church organisations framed the crisis as a struggle for religion and family life. The political role of women itself remained controversial. Many conservatives viewed politically active left-wing women as evidence of social breakdown, while some on the left still privately blamed female suffrage for strengthening conservative politics in earlier elections.

One of the most explosive issues during March remained religion. The Catholic Church represented far more than faith in Spain, it symbolised hierarchy, education, conservatism, and traditional authority. Many left-wing activists associated the Church with monarchy, landlordism, and repression. During March, churches were attacked in some cities, religious buildings vandalised, and priests occasionally threatened. Although the government officially condemned violence, conservatives increasingly believed Republican authorities were unwilling or unable to protect the Church. This fear became one of the major forces driving conservative radicalisation during spring 1936.

March also marked significant growth in the Falange. Although still relatively small electorally, the movement increasingly attracted radicalised middle-class youth, conservative students, former monarchists, and anti-socialist militants. The Falange presented itself as nationalist, anti-Marxist, anti-liberal, and revolutionary. Its members increasingly engaged in armed confrontations, intimidation, propaganda campaigns, and assassination attempts. Government repression against the Falange intensified accordingly, further radicalising the movement.

Several developments now threatened the Republic simultaneously with ongoing electoral bitterness,  political violence, military distrust, labour unrest, land occupations, anti-clerical tension, and ideological radicalisation. Moderate republican leaders like Azaña increasingly struggled to control events. Many conservatives began concluding that parliamentary politics could no longer protect their interests. Many workers increasingly believed only mass mobilisation could defend reform. Meanwhile, within the military, conspiracy slowly evolved from discussion into preparation.

The Spanish Civil War did not erupt suddenly in July 1936. The conflict emerged from decades of political instability, economic inequality, social unrest, military intervention, and bitter arguments over what Spain itself should become. For some Spaniards, the country needed modernisation – democratic reform, secular education, expanded rights for workers and women, and greater regional autonomy. For others, these same changes represented national collapse, the destruction of religion, hierarchy, monarchy, and traditional society.

The decades before the war transformed nearly every aspect of Spanish life. Workers organised into mass unions, women entered public political life in unprecedented numbers, regional nationalist movements gained strength, and governments increasingly struggled to maintain authority. Violence, repression, and political polarisation deepened year by year. By 1936, millions of Spaniards had come to believe compromise itself was impossible.

1902 – Alfonso XIII Begins Personal Rule

In 1902, Alfonso XIII formally assumed full royal authority at the age of sixteen. Spain at the beginning of the twentieth century remained deeply unequal. Large aristocratic landowners controlled enormous estates, particularly in the south, while millions of rural labourers lived in poverty and seasonal unemployment. Industrial workers in cities such as Barcelona, Bilbao, and Madrid often faced dangerous conditions, low wages, overcrowded housing, and minimal labour protections. Political power remained concentrated among wealthy elites, the military, the monarchy, and the Catholic Church. Elections were frequently manipulated through a system of local political bosses known as caciques, leaving many ordinary Spaniards feeling excluded from genuine political participation.

The monarchy itself became increasingly associated with corruption, stagnation, and political paralysis. For the working class, the period produced growing anger over inequality and living conditions. Socialist and anarchist organisations expanded rapidly among industrial workers and labourers who believed the existing system could not reform itself peacefully.

Women remained heavily constrained by conservative social expectations and Church authority. Educational opportunities for women were limited, divorce remained illegal, and political participation was almost non-existent. At the same time, urbanisation and industrialisation slowly began drawing more women into factories and public life, particularly in larger cities.

Regional tensions also intensified. In Catalonia and the Basque Country, many people increasingly resented the dominance of central government in Madrid. Industrial growth in these regions strengthened demands for greater cultural and political autonomy.

1909 – Semana Trágica en Barcelona (The Tragic Week in Barcelona)

In July 1909, protests erupted in Barcelona after reservists were mobilised to fight colonial wars in Morocco. The immediate cause of the unrest was the government’s decision to call up working-class reservists while wealthier Spaniards could often avoid military service through payment. Many labourers viewed the war in Morocco as a conflict fought for elite interests while ordinary people bore the cost.

Barcelona, already a centre of labour activism and anarchist politics, exploded into strikes, barricades, and anti-government demonstrations. Anti-clerical anger rapidly intensified, with churches, convents, and religious schools attacked or burned. The government responded with military force and harsh repression. Hundreds were arrested, and several people were executed, including the educator and anarchist sympathiser Francisco Ferrer.

The ‘Tragic Week’ revealed several tensions that would later reappear during the Civil War – resentment toward the military,  anger over inequality,  hostility toward the Church, and the growing radicalisation of urban workers. For the working class, the events reinforced the belief that the state protected elites while violently suppressing ordinary people. For conservatives and Catholics, the attacks upon churches and clergy became evidence that left-wing politics threatened religion and social order itself.

Women participated heavily in demonstrations, strikes, and neighbourhood protests during the unrest, particularly among working-class communities. Their public involvement alarmed conservative observers who believed women should remain outside politics entirely. The events also strengthened Barcelona’s reputation as a rebellious and politically radical city, deepening tensions between Catalonia and the central state. Between 104 and 150 civilians were killed, along with eight military personnel. Around 1,700 were arrested, and another 441 were injured, and five civilian were executed after the riots.

1910 – The Rise of Spanish Anarchism

In 1910, the anarchist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) was founded in Barcelona. Unlike many socialist movements elsewhere in Europe, Spanish anarchism became a mass movement with enormous support among industrial workers, labourers, and sections of the rural poor. Anarchists believed society should be organised through workers’ collectives and voluntary cooperation rather than governments, capitalism, or Church authority. The CNT proudly proclaimed, ‘We make no distinction at the time of admission, we require only that you are a worker or a student, employed or unemployed. The only people who cannot join are those belonging to repressive organizations (police, military, security guards), employers or other exploiters.’

The growth of anarchism was driven largely by poverty, poor working conditions, inequality, and frustration with traditional politics. Many workers believed parliamentary reform would never seriously challenge the power of landowners, industrialists, or the military. In industrial regions such as Catalonia, anarchism became deeply tied to working-class identity. General strikes, labour unrest, and clashes with employers became increasingly common throughout the 1910s and 1920s. For women, anarchist and socialist organisations sometimes offered opportunities unavailable within conservative society. Some left-wing groups promoted female education, literacy, and greater social participation, though many radical movements still remained male-dominated in practice.

The rapid growth of anarchism terrified conservative Spain. Industrialists, landowners, army officers, and Catholic leaders increasingly viewed revolutionary politics as a direct threat to civilisation itself.

1917 – Political and Social Crisis

Spain remained neutral during the First World War, but neutrality produced severe internal tensions. Three challenges threatened the government at the same time, along with the system of the Restoration – the Juntas de Defensa, a military union movement created without the approval of the Spanish legislature, challenged the government of Manuel García Prieto, who, unable to control them, was forced to resign., the Parliamentary Assembly, organized by the Regionalist League of Catalonia in Barcelona, a political movement who represented the Catalan bourgeoisie, who demanded the convening of a constitutional assembly to re-structure the government to recognise regional autonomy. They also demanded measures in the military and economic sectors, though as the military were filled with working class people, they did not have that support. They claimed they would create ‘a profound renovation of Spanish public life,’ meaning crushing the spirits of the working class.

Meanwhile, ongoing clashes between workers and their employers had continued for years, and long-running threats and meetings promised a strike in August 1917 across Spain, for ‘fundamental changes of the system that guarantee the public, at minimum, decent living conditions and the development of their self-emancipation.’   Industrial profits had risen sharply in some sectors, while inflation had dramatically increased the cost of living for ordinary people. The ruling class employers had been hiring men to beat workers on a regular basis whenever workers’ rights were being asserted. Wages failed to keep pace with rising prices, and working-class hardship intensified across much of the country. Mass strikes spread through industrial centres, while political dissatisfaction grew among republicans, socialists, regional nationalists, and even sections of the military. The strike  halted activity in  major industrial zones like Barcelona d Biscay and urban centres of Madrid, Valencia, Zaragoza, and A Coruña, and the mines  at Río Tinto, Jaén, Asturias, and León), but only for one week . Small cities and rural areas were not affected. Leaders of the strike movements were imprisoned for life, yet still won seats in the 1918 election.

The crisis of 1917 exposed how fragile the monarchy had become. Parliamentary governments appeared increasingly incapable of responding to economic and social unrest. For workers, inflation and food shortages deepened support for unions and radical political movements. For women, rising living costs created enormous pressure inside working-class households. Women often carried much of the burden of maintaining families amid unemployment and shortages. Regional tensions intensified as Catalan political movements demanded greater autonomy and recognition. Many Catalans viewed Madrid as corrupt, inefficient, and hostile toward regional identity.

1921 – Disaster at Annual

In 1921, Spanish forces suffered a catastrophic defeat in Morocco during the Battle of Annual. The disaster resulted largely from military overconfidence, poor leadership, corruption, and underestimation of Moroccan resistance forces led by Abd el-Krim. Approximately 13,000 Spanish troops were killed in one of the greatest military humiliations in modern Spanish history, though some estimate up to 23,000 mean including the Moroccan forces also killed. The defeat shocked Spanish society and badly damaged confidence in both the military and monarchy. At the same time, the Moroccan wars profoundly shaped a generation of officers, including future Nationalist leaders such as Francisco Franco. Many developed an increasingly authoritarian worldview rooted in military discipline, violence, nationalism, and contempt for civilian politicians. For the working class, the war reinforced resentment toward a political system that repeatedly sent poor conscripts to die in colonial conflicts. The war also deepened militarisation within Spanish politics itself. Many officers increasingly believed only authoritarian rule could preserve national unity and order.

1923 – Primo de Rivera’s Dictatorship

In 1923, a week before the publication of a report directly implicating Alfonso XIII in the disastrous outcome of the Battle of Annual, General Miguel Primo de Rivera launched a military coup with the support of King Alfonso XIII, after many Spaniards started to demand that Spain completely pull out of its remaining African colonies.

The disaster at Annual had accelerated the expansion and militarisation of the Spanish Legion under the leadership of José Millán-Astray and rising officers such as Francisco Franco. Created partly in response to the enormous losses suffered in Morocco, the Legion was designed as a hardened professional fighting force. Its culture glorified discipline, sacrifice, violence, and absolute obedience, cultivating an image of ruthless masculinity and contempt for weakness. Following the humiliation of Annual, the Legion became central to Spain’s efforts to reassert control in Morocco through increasingly brutal counterinsurgency warfare. The Moroccan campaigns profoundly shaped the mentality of officers such as Franco, who emerged from the conflict convinced that authoritarian discipline and military force were the only reliable answers to instability and social unrest.

General Miguel Primo de Rivera claimed parliamentary politics had failed and promised order, stability, and national regeneration. Political parties were restricted, censorship expanded, and regional nationalist movements were suppressed. The dictatorship initially gained some support from conservatives, industrialists, and parts of the middle class who feared labour unrest and political instability.

For workers, however, repression of strikes and political activism intensified. Although some infrastructure projects improved employment temporarily, underlying inequalities remained unresolved. Women remained largely confined within conservative social structures during the dictatorship, with traditional Catholic values strongly emphasised. The regime also cracked down heavily on Catalan identity. Use of the Catalan language was restricted in official contexts, and regional autonomy movements faced increasing repression. These policies deepened resentment in Catalonia and strengthened regional nationalism.

In 1924, the dictatorship relented to suffrage movements and gave unmarried women the right to vote in local elections (as long as they were over 23 and had no male authority in their lives). Women could run for office in town councils, and fourteen women joined the National Assembly in 1927. Primo de Rivera claimed women were as good as men in all ways, but, ‘there is one that is essential in women: housekeeping, and that is what really underscores their importance,’ and provided cash incentives to women with eight or more children. Individual workers’ rights began in the 1926 labour code, which introduced maternity benefits and paid breastfeeding breaks at work, and rights for groups and unions to meet fairly with employers. Women’s participation in the workforce as skilled workers also increased rapidly, 36% of apprentices being female in the late 1920s. None of these improvements were made by the dictatorship, rather decades of fighting by women’s groups, which were still seen as a joke by most men.

1930 – Collapse of the Dictatorship

By 1930, Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship had lost support across much of Spanish society. Severe economic problems in 1929, political dissatisfaction, and opposition from intellectuals, republicans, workers, and regional movements increasingly weakened the regime. Primo de Rivera resigned in January 1930. The monarchy itself now appeared deeply compromised because Alfonso XIII had openly supported the dictatorship. Republican movements gained momentum rapidly in urban areas. Many Spaniards increasingly viewed monarchy and military authoritarianism as obstacles to modernisation and democracy. Among workers and students especially, hope grew that Spain might finally undergo meaningful political reform.

1931 – The Second Republic Is Declared

Municipal elections held in April 1931 produced major Republican victories in many Spanish cities. Facing mounting opposition, Alfonso XIII and the royal family left Spain. On 14 April 1931, the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed (the First Spanish Republic was February 1873 to December 1874).

For supporters, the Republic represented enormous hope. Reformers sought to modernise Spain through secular education, expanded civil rights, labour protections, land reform, and democratic government. The Republic introduced major reforms – women’s suffrage, divorce legalisation, secular schools, military reform, reduced Church influence, and attempts at land redistribution.

For the working class, the Republic raised hopes for better wages, improved conditions, and greater political participation. For women, the Republic represented a dramatic social transformation. Women gained voting rights, expanded educational opportunities, and greater public visibility. Conservative critics viewed many of these reforms as attacks upon traditional family and religious values. Regional autonomy also expanded. Catalonia gained a degree of self-government, while Basque autonomy movements strengthened.

To supporters, the Republic represented democratic modernity. To opponents, it represented disorder, secularism, and the destruction of traditional Spain.

1932 – The Sanjurjada (Sanjurjo Coup Attempt)

In August 1932, General José Sanjurjo attempted a military coup against the Republic. The coup was organised by conservative officers and monarchists who opposed Republican reforms, particularly military restructuring and reductions in army privilege. Although the coup failed, it demonstrated that sections of the military already viewed the Republic as illegitimate. The attempted uprising intensified fears on both sides – Republicans increasingly feared military dictatorship, while conservatives increasingly feared revolutionary transformation. The event also foreshadowed the much larger military conspiracy which would eventually erupt in 1936.

1933 – Political Polarisation Deepens

By 1933, economic hardship, political violence, and growing disappointment weakened support for moderate politics. Conservative Catholic parties gained support from Spaniards alarmed by anti-clericalism, labour unrest, and fears of revolution. At the same time, left-wing groups accused moderate Republicans of failing to deliver meaningful social change. Women voted in Spanish national elections for the first time in 1933, a major milestone in Spanish political history.

Political rhetoric grew increasingly extreme across the country. Street violence, strikes, and clashes between rival groups became more common. For many working-class Spaniards, reform seemed too slow. For many conservatives, reform already seemed dangerously radical.

1934 – The Asturias Uprising

The 1934 Asturian Uprising, often called the October Revolution in Asturias, was one of the most important and violent events of the Second Spanish Republic before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. It took place in the mining region of Asturias in October 1934 and grew from a workers’ strike into a full-scale armed rebellion.

The immediate cause was the entry of the conservative Catholic party CEDA into the Spanish government. Many socialists, communists and anarchists believed this signalled the arrival of fascism in Spain, especially after the recent rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany. Left-wing organisations called for a general strike across Spain, but only in Asturias did it develop into a major revolutionary uprising.

Asturian coal miners, joined by members of the socialist UGT union, anarchist CNT militants and communists, seized towns across the region. They captured weapons, occupied much of Asturias, and took control of the provincial capital, Oviedo, after fierce fighting. Revolutionary committees attempted to govern the areas under their control, and around 30,000 workers were mobilised. Churches, government buildings and police barracks were attacked, while several priests, members of the security forces and political opponents were killed. The Spanish government responded by deploying the battle-hardened Army of Africa, including the Spanish Foreign Legion and Moroccan Regulares. Although General Francisco Franco coordinated operations from Madrid, command in Asturias was officially given to General Eduardo López Ochoa. The fighting lasted roughly two weeks and involved artillery, aerial bombardment and brutal street battles.

Casualty figures remain debated, but most historians estimate around 2,000 deaths. Approximately 1,500 miners were killed, along with 230–260 soldiers and police, and 33 clergy. Thousands more were wounded. Between 30,000 and 40,000 people were arrested after the revolt, and many workers lost their jobs. Reports of torture, summary executions and other abuses by government forces became a lasting source of bitterness on the Spanish left. The uprising failed militarily, but its political impact was enormous. The Spanish right saw it as proof that the left was preparing a revolution, while many on the left viewed the repression as evidence that democracy was collapsing. The violence and hatred unleashed in Asturias deepened the divisions that would erupt into civil war less than two years later. Many historians regard the Asturian Uprising as a rehearsal for the wider conflict that began in July 1936.

1935 – Political Breakdown

By 1935, Spain’s Second Republic was entering one of the most turbulent periods in its short history. The failed Asturian Uprising of October 1934 had left deep scars across the country. Thousands of workers and trade unionists remained in prison, while the political right pointed to the rebellion as proof that the left was prepared to overthrow democracy through violence.

The government was dominated by conservative forces. Prime Minister Alejandro Lerroux’s Radical Republican Party relied heavily on parliamentary support from the Catholic conservative party CEDA, led by José María Gil-Robles. To many on the left, CEDA resembled the authoritarian movements gaining power elsewhere in Europe. The rise of Hitler in Germany and Mussolini in Italy made fears of fascism seem very real. Yet the government itself was increasingly unstable. Throughout 1935 a series of corruption scandals, most notably the Straperlo gambling affair, badly damaged Lerroux’s administration. Public confidence in the government collapsed. Politicians who had once supported the Republic now openly questioned whether the parliamentary system could solve Spain’s problems.

Economic difficulties added to the tension. Unemployment remained high in many regions, particularly among agricultural labourers in the south. Land reform had stalled, disappointing thousands of peasants who had hoped the Republic would break up large estates. Strikes, demonstrations and political clashes became increasingly common. The political centre was disintegrating. Moderate parties that had helped create the Republic in 1931 were losing support as voters drifted toward more radical alternatives. On the left, socialists, republicans and communists began discussing electoral cooperation. On the right, monarchists, traditionalists and conservative Catholics warned that Spain faced revolution if the left returned to power.

Political violence, while not yet on the scale seen in 1936, became a regular feature of public life. Newspapers portrayed opponents as enemies rather than rivals. Many Spaniards came to believe that the country’s future would be decided not through compromise, but through victory over the other side. By the end of 1935, President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora concluded that the fractured parliament could no longer govern effectively. New elections were called for February 1936. They would become one of the most consequential elections in Spanish history, fought in a climate of fear, bitterness and growing extremism.

For many women in Spain, the outbreak of civil war in July 1936 was not only a military and political crisis. It was also the beginning of a profound social upheaval which briefly transformed what seemed possible in Spanish society. The years before the Spanish Civil War had already seen dramatic changes in the lives of many Spanish women. The establishment of the Second Republic in 1931 introduced reforms which challenged deeply rooted conservative traditions surrounding religion, education, marriage, politics, and women’s public roles. These changes inspired hope among reformers and left-wing activists, while provoking alarm among conservatives, monarchists, and the Catholic right.

When war erupted in 1936, women became visible participants in the conflict in ways that shocked much of the outside world. They fought in militias, organised hospitals, produced propaganda, drove ambulances, worked in factories, wrote journalism, smuggled weapons, educated refugees, and participated openly in political movements. Photographs of armed militiawomen in trousers carrying rifles through the streets of Barcelona and Madrid became internationally symbolic of revolution itself.

Yet the transformation was also fragile. Many of the freedoms and public roles women briefly experienced during the early months of the war would later be restricted or destroyed as the conflict hardened and conservative forces regained influence. The story of women during the Spanish Civil War is therefore not simply one of progress or liberation. It is a story of conflict over who women were allowed to be in modern Spain.

Women in Spain Before the Republic

At the beginning of the twentieth century, life for most Spanish women remained heavily shaped by traditional Catholic social values. Women were generally expected to marry, raise children, maintain households, and remain largely outside formal life. Educational opportunities were limited for many women, with approximately 65% of women in Spain illiterate in 1900. Only 0.1% of the Spanish population over the age of 25 had received any lower secondary education or higher. Heavily rural region in the south and interior, such as Andalusia, Extremadura, and Galicia, suffered from illiteracy rates of up 80%. Employment opportunities were often restricted to domestic work, textile labour, agriculture, or poorly paid factory work.

Spanish law strongly reinforced male authority within both marriage and public life. Divorce was illegal, contraception was restricted, and women possessed very limited political influence. The Catholic Church exercised enormous control over education, morality, and family life. Conservative ideas about femininity emphasised obedience, modesty, motherhood, and religious devotion.

At the same time, Spain was changing. Industrialisation and urban growth gradually drew more women into factories, offices, schools, and public spaces. Working-class women in cities such as Barcelona and Madrid increasingly participated in labour activism, strikes, and political organisations. By the early twentieth century, feminist writers, teachers, reformers, and activists were beginning to challenge traditional restrictions on women’s education and legal rights.

• The Second Republic and Women’s Rights

The establishment of the Second Spanish Republic transformed political debate surrounding women’s roles in Spain. Republican reformers viewed women’s education and legal equality as essential parts of modernising the country. The Republic introduced several major reforms which dramatically altered women’s legal and political status. These included women’s suffrage, legal divorce, secular education, expanded educational opportunities, and reforms weakening Church authority over family life.

One of the most important figures in this transformation was Clara Campoamor, who became one of the leading advocates for women’s suffrage in Spain. Campoamor argued passionately that women could not be excluded from democracy simply because society remained conservative. Despite opposition from many politicians ,including some women, suffrage was granted in 1931.

The reforms of the Republic deeply divided Spanish society. For supporters, they represented long-overdue progress and modernisation. For many conservatives, they represented an assault upon religion, family authority, and traditional gender roles. The role of women quickly became entangled in wider political arguments about the future of Spain itself.

• Working-Class Women and Political Activism

The Republic also intensified political participation among working-class women. Women became increasingly active within socialist organisations, anarchist movements, labour unions, secular education campaigns, and neighbourhood activism. In industrial cities such as Barcelona, women participated in strikes, demonstrations, and political meetings in growing numbers. Many working-class women experienced politics not as abstract ideology, but through everyday struggles involving  wages, food prices, housing, literacy, childcare, and workplace conditions.

Anarchist and socialist organisations sometimes offered women opportunities unavailable within conservative society, including literacy education and political involvement. At the same time, even many left-wing organisations remained male-dominated, and women often faced sexism inside movements supposedly committed to equality.

• The Outbreak of War and Revolutionary Transformation

When military officers launched their uprising against the Republic in July 1936, much of Republican Spain erupted into revolutionary activity. State authority collapsed in many regions, particularly in Barcelona and parts of Aragón, where anarchist and socialist movements gained enormous influence. Women suddenly appeared in public political life with unprecedented visibility. Some joined militias directly, carrying rifles and wearing uniforms alongside men. Others worked in hospitals, kitchens, refugee centres, propaganda offices, and transportation networks.

The image of the miliciana, armed militiawoman, became one of the defining symbols of the early war. For supporters of the Republic abroad, these women represented revolutionary modernity and resistance to fascism. For conservatives and Nationalists, they represented social disorder, anti-religious politics, and the collapse of traditional society. The visibility of armed women deeply shocked many observers both inside and outside Spain.

• Milicianas: Women at the Front

During the chaotic early months of the war, women served openly in militia units, particularly within anarchist and socialist organisations. Photographs from Barcelona and Madrid showed women carrying rifles, manning barricades, training with militia units, and marching publicly in revolutionary demonstrations.

Many were young working-class women inspired by revolutionary politics and anti-fascism. Others joined because they believed the military uprising threatened the freedoms introduced by the Republic. Among the most famous militiawomen was Lina Odena, who became an important propaganda symbol after her death in 1936.

International newspapers often portrayed militiawomen as symbols of radical social transformation. Their appearance challenged conservative assumptions about femininity, politics, and military service. Yet women’s frontline participation remained controversial even within Republican Spain. As the war became increasingly militarised during late 1936 and 1937, many Republican leaders pushed women away from combat roles and back into support work. The revolutionary atmosphere of the war’s opening months gradually gave way to more traditional military structures.

• Mujeres Libres and Revolutionary Feminism

One of the most important women’s organisations during the war was Mujeres Libres. Founded by anarchist women, the organisation believed women’s liberation could not be separated from broader social revolution. Members argued that women faced a triple struggle against ignorance, exploitation, and male domination.

Mujeres Libres organised literacy programmes, childcare, vocational education, healthcare initiatives, political training, and support networks for working-class women. The organisation sought not only to help the Republican war effort, but to fundamentally transform women’s position within Spanish society. Importantly, Mujeres Libres also criticised sexism within left-wing movements themselves, arguing that revolutionary politics often continued treating women as secondary participants. The organisation eventually reached tens of thousands of members during the war.

• Famous Women of the Republican Cause

note – all of these women and many more will receive their own individual biographies soon

Several women became internationally recognised symbols of Republican Spain and anti-fascist resistance.

Dolores Ibárruri, La Pasionaria, became one of the most famous Communist figures of the war. A communist politician and powerful public speaker, she became internationally known for passionate anti-fascist speeches and slogans such as ¡No pasarán! (They shall not pass!). Ibárruri symbolised resistance, sacrifice, and Republican determination during the defence of Madrid.

Federica Montseny became one of the first female government ministers in Western Europe when she joined the Republican government in 1936. An anarchist writer and activist, she advocated  healthcare reform, childcare, women’s rights, and social welfare programmes. Her appointment reflected the revolutionary atmosphere of early Republican Spain.

Margarita Nelken was a socialist politician, writer, and advocate for labour and women’s rights. She became known for her involvement in left-wing politics and anti-fascist activism during the Republic and Civil War.

Victoria Kent became one of Spain’s first female lawyers and played an important role in Republican prison reform and legal modernisation. She represented the emergence of women into professional and political life during the Republic.

• Women Supporting the Nationalists

Sadly, no dictatorship or tyranny can be complete without women carrying water for the patriarchy. Women also played important roles within the Nationalist zone, though under very different ideological expectations. Nationalist propaganda emphasised  Catholic motherhood, sacrifice, religious devotion, and traditional femininity. Women organised charity work, nursing services, food distribution, and religious support for Nationalist troops. Among the most important figures was Pilar Primo de Rivera, sister of Falange founder José Antonio Primo de Rivera. She led the Sección Femenina, the women’s branch of the Falange, which promoted conservative gender roles, domestic training, obedience, and Catholic nationalism. Nationalist ideology generally rejected feminist reforms introduced during the Republic and sought to restore traditional social hierarchies.

• War, Violence, and Civilian Suffering

Women also experienced the war as civilians living amid bombing, hunger, displacement, imprisonment, and political terror. Women endured aerial bombardment, refugee flight, food shortages, mass rape, executions, imprisonment, and social collapse. Many became heads of households after husbands, fathers, or sons were killed, imprisoned, or conscripted. Women worked in hospitals, refugee centres, orphanages, and emergency relief organisations under increasingly desperate conditions. The war transformed everyday life for millions of ordinary women far beyond the battlefield itself, and yet they were then expected to return to their pre-war lives.

The Spanish Civil War was not only a military and political conflict. It was also a struggle over social identity, gender roles, religion, and modernity. Women became central symbols within these wider conflicts symbols of revolution, tradition, emancipation, motherhood, nationalism, and anti-fascist resistance. The visibility of women during the war shocked international audiences and helped transform global perceptions of Spain. Their experiences reveal how deeply the conflict affected everyday life and how fiercely Spaniards disagreed about the future of society itself.

Recommended reading –

Mujeres Libres by Mary Nash

Free Women of Spain by Martha Ackelsberg

Vision on Fire: Emma Goldman on the Spanish Revolution

Entre el sol y la tormenta by Sara Berenguer

Cuatro años en París by Victoria Kent

Mis primeros cuarenta años by Federica Montseny

Memorias de la Pasionaria by Dolores Ibárruri

My War in Spain by Mika Feldman de Etchebéhère

In Place of Splendor by Constancia de la Mora

Milicianas by Lisa Margaret Lines

Free Women/Mujeres Libres: Voices and Memories for a Libertarian Future by Laura Ruiz

 * To be clear, this is not a ‘both sides’ defence of the Spanish Civil War. One half of the country were the people, who had won the recent election, and wanted to be treated as equals. The other side was a vicious invading army who sought to destroy civilians, and caused irreparable harm. This article is to help if you are new to the topic. 

Historians often use the terms ‘Republican’ and ‘Nationalist’ for simplicity and readability, but neither side of the Spanish Civil War was politically unified. Both were broad coalitions containing groups with profoundly different visions for Spain’s future, many of whom distrusted one another almost as much as they hated their enemies. Modern readers can also struggle with the terminology because words such as ‘Republican,’ ‘liberal,’ ‘socialist,’ and even ‘fascist’ carried meanings in 1930s Spain that do not neatly align with modern political language, especially with the distortion caused by crumbling American politics constantly making international news. Republican is now associated with right-wing groups, liberal and socialist are both insults, fascism and nationalism are both still dangerous yet strangely underestimated, and communism and anarchism have been intentionally villainised. Yet understanding these differences outside of modern day interpretations is essential to understanding Spain’s history.

The conflict which erupted in July 1936 was not simply a struggle between two ideologies. It was a collision between revolution and counter-revolution, secularism and clericalism, regional identity and central authority, democracy and authoritarianism, reform and reaction. Millions of ordinary Spaniards found themselves trapped between these forces as the country descended into catastrophe. Of course, not all people would align perfectly with any group; they may believe in some parts of an ideology, but not all of it. These constantly clashing beliefs meant that two brothers could head to war, but for opposing sides, despite been raised in the same social class. Each description here is generalised, not to pigeonhole each person into a group.

  THE LEFT-WING REPUBLICANS

The Republicans were not a single ideology, but a coalition defending the Second Spanish Republic, the elected government established after the monarchy fell in 1931. Many Republican supporters agreed on only one thing – opposition to the military uprising launched in July 1936. Within the Republican zone existed enormous political divisions, and those divisions would increasingly shape the course of the war itself.

• Liberal Republicans

Moderate republicans generally supported parliamentary democracy, constitutional reform, secular government, and gradual modernisation. Many came from educated middle-class backgrounds and believed Spain had remained politically and economically backward compared to much of Europe. Their reforms during the Second Republic included expanding public education, reducing the political power of the military, limiting the influence of the Catholic Church within government, and introducing legal reforms such as divorce and women’s suffrage. These liberals were not revolutionaries in the socialist or anarchist sense. Many feared violent revolution almost as much as they feared fascism. Their goal was usually a modern democratic Spain similar to France or other European republics. However, this form of slow, comfortable change did not benefit the working class, and the middle-class were not eager to do anything that might disrupt their comfortable lives.

• Socialists

Spanish socialism covered a broad spectrum of beliefs and strategies. Some socialists hoped to achieve reform gradually through elections and trade unions, while others believed capitalism and stagnant, traditional Spanish society could only be transformed through revolution. The socialist movement was closely tied to industrial workers, miners, railway workers, and urban trade unions. Conditions for many workers in Spain during the early twentieth century were undeniably harsh, with widespread poverty, inequality, poor housing, no women’s rights, severely limited healthcare, and dangerous working conditions. For many working-class supporters, socialism represented not abstract theory, but the hope of better wages, land reform, education, and dignity. For many who worked rurally, living conditions had not advanced in hundreds of years, barely living lives beyond feudalism, still trapped as peasants.

Among this group reigned La Unión General de Trabajadoras y Trabajadores boasting 1.5 million members, including 50,000 from the Federación Nacional de Trabajadores de la Tierra (Land Workers Federation). The UGT was aligned with the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE, Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), Spain’s oldest political party, who were in power in a majority government in 1936 (and peacefully lead Spain today under Pedro Sanchez).

• Communists

The communist movement in Spain was relatively small before the war but grew rapidly during the conflict because the Soviet Union became one of the Republic’s few major foreign supporters. Communists generally argued that the Republic could only survive by creating a disciplined centralised army instead of relying on loose revolutionary militias. Soviet military aid, tanks, aircraft, advisers, and political organisers gave communist groups increasing influence inside Republican Spain. Communist organisations also became deeply involved in internal Republican power struggles, especially against anarchists and anti-Stalinist groups such as the POUM. To many supporters, communism represented disciplined resistance against fascism, and went from 30,000 member at the start of the war, to upwards of 400,000 members (some estimate’s claim up to one million) within one year. To critics, it increasingly represented Soviet interference and political repression within Republican territory itself. Because the communist movement had international support in a  way other Republican groups did not, this created an uneasy alliance.

• Anarchists

Spain possessed one of the largest anarchist movements in Europe, particularly in Catalonia and Aragón. Unlike socialists or communists, anarchists did not simply seek to take control of the state – many wanted to abolish the oppressive hierarchical government entirely. Organisations such as the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT or National Confederation of Labour) and Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI or Iberian Anarchist Federation)believed society should be organised through workers’ collectives, local assemblies, and voluntary cooperation rather than governments, aristocrats, churches, or capitalist ownership. The CNT-FAI is now celebrated as one of the most successful collaborations in worker-managed socialism and anarcho-syndicalism in modern history. At its peak, the CNT had 1.5 million members and represented many workers unions, while the FAI brought another 1.5 million members.

When the military uprising failed in parts of Spain during July 1936, anarchist movements helped unleash a genuine social revolution. Factories, farms, workshops, transport systems, and even hotels were collectivised in some regions. Revolutionary slogans covered walls, churches were seized or destroyed, and traditional social structures briefly collapsed. For many workers and labourers, this represented liberation and equality. For conservatives and many middle-class Spaniards, it represented terrifying chaos and the destruction of civilisation itself. Anarchist imagery, militia columns, and armed women became some of the defining symbols of the early war.

• Regional Autonomists

Regional identity played an enormous role in the conflict, particularly in Catalonia and the Basque Country, and are referred to under different name, such as regional nationalists or separatists, fighting to maintain the autonomy of the area where they lived. Many Catalans supported the Republic because it granted varying degrees of regional autonomy, allowed the preservation of Catalan political and cultural identity, and would empower their worker populations. Barcelona became one of the great centres of revolutionary Republican Spain. The Basque situation was even more complex. Many Basques were deeply Catholic and socially conservative yet still sided with the Republic because they feared Franco would destroy Basque autonomy and regional freedoms. These regional movements remind modern readers that the war was not simply ideological. Questions of language, culture, regional identity, and local government were deeply important throughout Spain. Franco and the Nationalist sought to ban autonomy of Spain’s many regional autonomies and languages, which were, and remain, an essential part of Spain as a collection of regions bound together on the Iberian peninsula.

• Soviet Union

The Republic’s most important state supporter was the Soviet Union. Unlike Italy’s mass deployment, Soviet involvement focused on military advisers, tank crews, pilots, intelligence personnel, and weapons deliveries. The Soviets supplied T-26 tanks, aircraft, artillery and small arms. The T-26 was arguably the best tank in Spain during the early stages of the war. Several hundred Soviet specialists served directly in combat roles, though Moscow generally avoided sending large infantry formations. Estimate range between 2,000-3,000 men on the ground rotated in and out throughout the war.

An interesting note is that there were more German and Italian anti-fascists fighting for the Republic in the International Brigades than there were Soviet citizens sent by Stalin. Thousands of German and Italian exiles volunteered to fight, whereas Moscow kept its direct military presence relatively limited.

• The Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista, POUM

The POUM or Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification, was a smaller anti-Stalinist Marxist party most famous internationally because of its association with George Orwell. The group opposed fascism but also distrusted Soviet communism and Stalin’s growing influence within Republican Spain. Members believed the war against Franco could not be separated from wider social revolution.

As Soviet-backed communists gained power inside the Republican coalition, the POUM became increasingly targeted. Its leaders were arrested, persecuted, or killed during internal Republican political struggles. The existence of the POUM demonstrated how divided the Republican coalition truly was. Even while fighting Franco, elements inside Republican Spain were simultaneously fighting one another politically and sometimes violently. Despite being a small group, the POUM claimed 40,000-70,000 members and 8,000 militants at the start of the war.

• The International Brigades

The most famous foreign volunteers of the war were the International Brigades. These units were organised with Communist assistance and recruited volunteers from more than fifty countries. Around 32,000–35,000 men and women served over the course of the war. Major groups included volunteers from France, Germany, Italy, Britain, Ireland, Poland, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Canada, United States, Australia, and New Zealand. Many were refugees from fascist regimes who believed Spain was the first battlefield in a wider struggle against fascism. The Brigades suffered extremely heavy casualties, and those who survived were often villainised or imprisoned when they returned home.  

THE RIGHT-WING NATIONALISTS

The Nationalists emerged from the military uprising launched against the Republic in July 1936. Like the Republicans, they were also a coalition rather than a single ideology. What united them was opposition to the Republic, fear of revolution, their anti-communism and conservative Catholicism, and their belief that Spain required authoritarian order. Many supporters believed Spain was collapsing into atheism, class warfare, regional fragmentation, and social disorder, a fear not unfounded, as these things represented a way to empower the lower classes. The Nationalist movement promised hierarchy, unity, discipline, religion, and the destruction of revolutionary politics.

• Army Officers

Senior military figures such as Francisco Franco and Emilio Mola believed the Republic had weakened Spain through political instability, regional separatism, labour unrest, and attacks upon traditional authority. Many officers had served in Spain’s indescribably brutal colonial wars in Morocco, where military violence and authoritarian discipline were considered necessary tools of control. These experiences shaped the mentality of many future Nationalist commanders. The military uprising was not a democratic movement. It was an attempt by armed officers to overthrow the elected government and replace it with authoritarian rule.

• The Falange

The Falange was Spain’s fascist movement, founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera. Inspired partly by Italian fascism, the movement promoted authoritarian nationalism, political violence, militarism, anti-communism, and the destruction of liberal democracy. Falangist propaganda glorified sacrifice, discipline, masculinity, youth, and national rebirth. Its supporters often marched in uniform, used fascist salutes, and embraced confrontational street politics even before the war began. At the start of the war, the Falange only had 10,000 members, and that was a result of multiple fascist groups joining together. By the outbreak of war, the number grew to 25,000, though 70% were under the age of 21, thanks to propaganda and student movements that aligned with the rich and powerful. Within a year, as Franco took over the Falange, number swelled to 250,000, two-thirds of which were in Franco’s army.

• Carlists

The Carlists were radical ultra-conservative monarchists who supported a rival branch of the exiled Spanish royal family and defended militant Catholic traditionalism. Unlike fascists who often embraced modern political spectacle, the Carlists looked backward toward a deeply religious and traditional Spain rooted in monarchy, localism, and Catholic authority. Their requeté militias became famous for their red berets, religious banners, and brutal battlefield reputation, and had a mindset that the war was their crusade for their 40,000 soldiers. The existence of the Carlists demonstrates how strange the Nationalist coalition could be. Traditionalist monarchists and modern fascists often disliked one another intensely yet fought side by side against the Republic. Through the 19th century, the Carlists had fought multiple brutal wars against their own people to establish order in Spain, including the Third Carlist War of 1874), where 100,000 armed volunteers, crushed vast swathes of the Basque Country, Catalonia, and Aragon.

• Conservative Catholics

Many ordinary Catholics supported the Nationalists after anti-clerical violence exploded in Republican territory during the chaotic opening months of the war. Churches were burned, priests and nuns were killed, religious artwork destroyed, and Catholic institutions attacked in parts of Republican Spain. Nationalist propaganda heavily emphasised these atrocities, portraying the conflict as a holy crusade against atheism and godlessness. For many conservative Catholics, support for the Nationalists came not from fascist ideology, but from fear that religion and traditional society itself were under attack. Conservative Spaniards often viewed socialism as a direct threat to religion, property, and social order. At the same time, Franco would later use Catholicism as one of the central pillars of his dictatorship, tightly linking church authority to the authoritarian state.

• International forces

The Army of Africa (Ejército de África) was not technically an international intervention,  was the most effective fighting force available to the Nationalists in July 1936. It consisted of the Spanish Foreign Legion (Tercio), and Moroccan Regulares. The Regulares were indigenous Moroccan soldiers recruited in Spain’s protectorate in northern Morocco. Around half were Europeans who served in the Spanish Legion and the artillery, while the rest were Moroccans, most of whom were in the Regulares and Mehelas, and by the time the war ended, Morocco had sent about 8,000 men. They were commanded by Spanish officers and had earned a fearsome reputation during the Rif Wars of the 1920s. Francisco Franco had spent much of his early career commanding these troops and knew their value. When the coup began in July 1936, the Army of Africa became trapped in Morocco. German and Italian aircraft helped airlift thousands of troops across the Strait of Gibraltar in what was then the largest military airlift in history. The Moroccan troops quickly gained a reputation among Republican civilians for their discipline in combat but also for brutality, rape, looting, and reprisals, especially with the atrocities  advance through Extremadura and Andalusia. By late 1936 they were among the most feared troops in Spain.

• The Condor Legion (Legión Cóndor)

Condor Legion was Nazi Germany’s military force sent to assist the Nationalists. It arrived in late 1936 after a request from Franco. The force included fighter aircraft, bombers, anti-aircraft units, tank crews, signals specialists, military advisers. The Germans wanted to prevent a left-wing victory, gain influence with Franco, and test new weapons and tactics. Many future Second World War commanders served there, including Wolfram von Richthofen. The Condor Legion became famous for its air operations, and by the end of the war around 19,000 German personnel had served in Spain, though only a fraction were present at any one time.

• Italian Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV)

The largest foreign force fighting for the Nationalists came from Fascist Italy. The Italian expeditionary force, known as the Corpo Truppe Volontarie, was sent by Benito Mussolini. At its peak it numbered roughly 45,000 regular army troops and 29,000 fascist militiamen. The Italians provided infantry divisions, tanks, artillery, aircraft, and naval support Unlike the Germans, who concentrated on specialist roles, the Italians often fought as large independent formations.

• Portuguese Volunteers (Viriatos)

The authoritarian government of António de Oliveira Salazar strongly supported Franco. Several thousand Portuguese volunteers crossed the border to fight for the Nationalists. These men are often collectively called the Viriatos, after an ancient Iberian warrior, although they did not form a single organised unit, and estimates of troop number vary between 8,000-12,000. Portugal was particularly important because it provided safe supply routes, border access, diplomatic support, and intelligence cooperation. Without Portuguese assistance, Nationalist logistics would have been much more difficult.

Understanding these coalitions is essential because the Spanish Civil War cannot be understood as a simple struggle between two unified sides. The Republican coalition contained liberals, anarchists, communists, socialists, regional nationalists, and revolutionaries who often disagreed profoundly about Spain’s future. However, on the battlefield, with limited supplies, these differences would have meant far little in the face on ingoing armies supplied with weapons, back-up and authority to leave no one unharmed.

The Nationalist coalition united fascists, monarchists, conservative Catholics, military officers, and reactionary traditionalists behind an authoritarian military uprising. The war also did not end in 1939 with reconciliation or democratic compromise. Franco’s victory led to decades of dictatorship, censorship, imprisonment, executions, political repression, and the destruction of many of the freedoms introduced during the Second Republic. The Spanish Civil War was not merely a military conflict. It was a struggle over what kind of country Spain would become; modern or traditional, secular or clerical, democratic or authoritarian, and its consequences shaped Spain for generations.