NEW – BECOMING THOMAS CROMWELL: ON THE FICKLENESS OF LOYALTY

AVAILABLE 4 MAY 2026

Before Thomas Cromwell could rule Henry VIII’s England, he first had to survive Machiavelli’s Florence.

Thomas Cromwell is eighteen when he arrives in Florence, carrying little but the memory of war and the instinct to survive.

Taken into the household of the powerful Frescobaldi, he finds himself in a city balanced between republic and ruin, where Piero Soderini governs in the uneasy absence of the Medici, and where influence is measured not in titles alone, but in gold, information, and silence.

Under the watch of Francesco Frescobaldi, and in the orbit of Niccolò Machiavelli, he begins to understand that power is rarely declared, but quietly constructed through alliances, through deception, and through trade. For Florence’s wealth does not rest in its streets, but in its reach. From Rome to the Low Countries, from the Papal monopoly of alum to the court of King Henry VII of England, commerce binds the city to forces far beyond its walls. And where such wealth moves unseen, so too does danger.

Yet not all risks are counted in coin. As Cromwell is drawn deeper into the lives of those around him, loyalty begins to blur, and the cost of belonging reveals itself in ways he cannot easily control.

As the Italian Wars redraw the balance of Europe, Cromwell is pulled ever further into a network of ambition and secrecy, where survival demands more than obedience, and where every choice leaves its mark.

In Florence, nothing is ever simply bought or sold. And every debt must be paid in full.

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ON THE FICKLENESS OF LOYALTY – THOMAS CROMWELL AUTHOR Q+A

Welcome to the author Q+A! I tried to combine question where possible to fit everything into one post.

On the Fickleness of Loyalty is out now here, or your chosen Amazon site. It might take a few days to load on other stores’ sites (can’t control that, sorry!)

Why do you like Thomas Cromwell so much? How long have you been researching Cromwell? Why Cromwell?

The question I get asked most often! Why Thomas Cromwell is easy for me. For the vast number of men at the Tudor court, they are duke/baron/whatever of somewhere, the son of  duke/baron/whatever of somewhere, on and on and on. For the women, the are the lady of somewhere, daughter of him and her of somewhere, on and on and on. Then there is Thomas Cromwell, a guy from nowhere, with no family pedigree, no history anyone can trace, who, on a mixture of charm, quality public speaking, and the ability to remain invisible when it suited, managed to make his way through life to the very top of society. The story writes itself. I love a cheeky opportunist. It gives so much more range, because Cromwell was not confined by court rules or social customs like other people. He had to go to great lengths to rise high as a nobleman at court, earn every penny personally, and put up with the grief he would get from those born with a silver spoon. For the first 45 years of his life, he disappeared from England as a teenager, only to turn up years later in Florence, and then in Antwerp and Middelburg a decade later, marries for a modest inheritance and family connections to let him work as a lawyer, and be accepted into Gary’s Inn without any actual legitimate education. By the time King Henry noticed Cromwell, he was a multi-millionaire (by today’s standards), and all entirely on his own work. Attempting to help his master Cardinal Wolsey saw Cromwell placed into court life and ends up recreating government as we know it today and breaking down the Catholic Church’s hold over England. The scope of storyline in fiction is immense in a way others at court don’t have. When I wrote my first three novels on Cromwell, I felt like the narrative could have gone on forever, and now, doing his early life, I can spread out so much wider again, add new characters, and create a whole new world. I don’t want to write about a man who was born on third base. I don’t want to write about a pretty girl with rich parents and the ability to read. I want bigger than that, and the nobility rarely provides it. (I am happy to read about what others make of them of course)

Why put Cromwell in Florence instead of England with Wolsey?

Because Florence is amazing! The history of Florence is incredible, and it is the only location, other than Garigliano, that Cromwell can be placed before 1510. It created such a massive world for me to build, because the majority of historical novels in Florence feature the Medici, but Cromwell lived there in a period where the Medici were ousted. No one says they are dying to write about the reign of Piero Soderini, do they? The way Florence was run under Soderini’s rule was totally different the structure to the century prior under Medici rule, or the century after, also under Medici and papal rule. There was this small pocket of time where anything can be created, and it was the exact time that Cromwell lived in Florence. Cromwell can walk down the street and help Botticelli with his bag, have dinner with Michelangelo, catch up with da Vinci at a goodbye party, buy remedies from Caterina Sforza, throw stones at the statute of David (which was apparently a popular activity), and most importantly, drink at a bar with Machiavelli, who, I discovered, was nothing like his works would suggest.

What sources or records were most important in shaping your version of Cromwell’s early life? Are the Frescobaldi family real?

Matteo Bandello’s story of the Frescobaldi family is the only written record of Cromwell under the age of 25, and that was limited to a few lines. It was enough for me to recreate the Battle of Garigliano at the start of book one, before moving to create a world about a young unemployed Englishman hungry enough to take on anything. The Frescobaldi family mattered a great deal to Thomas Cromwell, as seen by later actions back in England and his close relationships with the allies who lives in London. Again, the story of a starving teen soldier stumbling into the path of a Florentine family who takes pity on him practically writes itself.

There is a book, underrated in my opinion, The Winter King by Thomas Penn, which has some of the most well researched information on the smuggling operation the Frescobaldi family created with King Henry VII. These were shrewd people who managed to get their name into the most powerful circles of Europe; Henry VII, James IV, Duchess Margaret of Savoy, Maximilian, King of the Romans, Pope Julius II, Philip of Burgundy and Juana of Castile. The scale of historical figures I can use is limitless.

When the comes to the Frescobaldi family, which is still prestigious today, the people I have created are not based on the real life people of 1503-1513. There are similar names, yes, and the Frescobaldi palaces are a location, but the people are 100% fictional. The information about these particular generations of the family are limited to their business dealings in ledgers around Europe; their personal lives are not a subject for scrutiny. I completely made up the characters. However, what is happening in Florence and Europe at the time is completely accurate, with people at different levels of power having to deal with the realities that life sent them. I have worked as closely as possible with primary sources to ensure that when they are in the city, they are dealing with what was happening at that time, when they travel, they must skirt around war and disease accurate to the period. Historical events and weather anomalies change their lives the way it would have 500 years ago.

Is this another Medici drama based in Florence? Is this like a mystery novel, or more a historical take on Florence? How much Machiavelli is in this book?

In 1494, Piero de’Medici, ruler of Florence for only two years, lost control and the Medici family were exiled. Girolamo Savonarola came in as a religious fanatic and completely upended the city and its way of life before he was eventually killed less than five years later. Piero Soderini, a politician and statesman, stepped in and was eventually voted in for life to rule over the Republic of Florence, which was controlled by councils that regularly rotated men in and out of power, until the Medici storm the republic and recapture the city in 1513. For the bulk of the series, the Medici are a threat in the distance, giving other families and alliances to breathe. In the first book, Cromwell is constantly reminded of his dealings with Piero de’Medici at Garigliano, which he hates.

As for Machiavelli, he does pop up from time to time. In this time period, he is not the great author that his name inspires, he is a chancellor and diplomat with varying degrees of skill, poor decision-making skills, and exceptionally loose morals. It is a mystery novel I guess, in that there is an element of mystery, however most of the mystery is how long the characters will take to admit the inevitable truth they already know.

Do you see Cromwell as someone shaped more by ambition or by circumstance? Do you think Cromwell knew how high he would rise in life? Do you think Cromwell ever wanted to stay in Europe?

There must have been a fairly large portion of Cromwell that ran on ambition, to reach the heights he did. But the bulk of his life is only seen through his ten years at the royal court for Henry VIII. He could have tried breaking into court much earlier, but chose not to, despite ample opportunity to do so. He was able to sit in parliament in 1523 on behalf of Sir  Thomas Grey, and gave a speech to the king, telling him not to go to war because of the provisioning costs, and yet that was not at all what he was meant to do in parliament. Grey wanted petitions for the north to be read (I can assume they were, though records from 1523 have been destroyed). Did Cromwell  burn with an ambition to create modern government? Did he burn with desire to create the Church of England? I don’t think so, but when the opportunity came, he took it. It tends to be a theme throughout his years prior to court life too, he found himself somewhere, with certain people, and chose to make the best of it. As a result, he ended up with a wide network of friends in different places, not in high places, but in places where he was respected. As for staying in Europe, it is hard to tell. From what I can gather, his father died around the time Cromwell retuned to England. Obligation kept him home for the rest of the 1510s, except for few times to Italy.

How do you decide when to stay strictly accurate to history, and when to let the story take over?

Generally, I will change history if I have to for the story, but it might mean I move a historical event up by two months or something and the story doesn’t get affected in any way. There aren’t huge changes to history as we know it. Because many of the characters are fictional, I can bend them around history. One example in book one is the death of Isabella of Castile in late 1504, and then the shipwreck of Philip of Burgundy and Juana of Castile in early 1506. It would have been great if I could have moved one of those events to have them close together, but instead I moved around the lives of fictional characters and made it fit. I don’t like changing history if I can avoid it. One thing to consider though is that different people from different places and cultures see different events in a different light. How an event is perceived in one place may not be the way you perceive in yours as the reader.

Are there parts of Cromwell’s life that are harder to write than others? Is it hard to write when there are so few historical facts to use?

I hate writing romance! No shade to romance authors, I just hate doing it myself. I’m amazed I ever managed it. Cromwell’s personal life is a blank, throughout his life. Yes, he had a wife at one stage, but I don’t place much stock in that. Marriage was a system where even the poorest man could have a maid. He made a choice based on what appears to be a smart financial decision to marry someone related to his brother-in-law, who could offer him legal work. That gave me plenty of scope when writing my 1529-1540 series, because there are zero romantic entanglements to have to deal with, and it was great. Now, in this series, because so many people are fictional, or I have been able to research their personal lives, I can be entirely fluid with sexuality as much as I please outside the traditional notions of arranged marriages and tepid relationships between strangers. The men and women of Florence were up to A LOT. Though, no, I don’t write sex books, don’t worry.

Another thing is the clothing of the period. I don’t want to get bogged down in dresses or caps, or hairstyles, I describe things in a basic way and move on. Please google if you want an in-depth idea! There are some exceptions; I do describe fabrics, as that is relevant to Frescobaldi trade, and the cover image, of Cromwell wearing a red brocade cloak with gold embroidery is very relevant. He wears this cloak (that obviously is not his) and it starts a chain of events that spiral out of control over a year. Fabrics are relevant to how a person felt in society, but this isn’t a great book if you want fancy gowns.

I was amazed by how much historical research I could use in this book. I was unsure when I started if I could fill a book covering 1503-1513, and before I realised it, I had written four books’ worth. I started writing this series in early 2023, but it was interrupted by several non-fiction contracts I needed to finish, and real life got really hard in 2024 and 2025. It has been very nice to finally finish this project.

It says book one of Becoming Thomas Cromwell, what more could there be? Is this book part of a series? Does this book match up with your other Cromwell series?

This book covers 1503 at Garigliano, though to early 1506 when Cromwell… well, you have to read it. In this book, Cromwells works at Palazzo Frescobaldi and is a secretary helping with the smuggling arrangement for King Henry in England and dealing with a lot of metaphorical ghosts of things that have happened. Book two, currently scheduled for a Christmas 2026 release, covers 1506-1508, book three in mid-2027 will cover 1509-1511, and Christmas 2027 will have book four covering 1512-1513. Could it go beyond that? It’s entirely possible. The Becoming Thomas Cromwell series is in the same universe as the Queenmaker series, and you will recognise certain characters that are in both.

Why do you only write about men?

Seriously? Who do you think is running all these men?

One thing that falls in Cromwell’s favour is that he helped people when they were down. He helped women when they had been wronged. He pulled wayward husbands into line. He gave out money and did not get it back. Cromwell didn’t look down on people, and when I write fiction like this, where young Cromwell is beguiled by the powerful women he encounters, he gives him their dues, he sees their importance. I will always write that way, and I don’t have to bend history to do it. Had there been a plucky opportunistic who was female at court, maybe I would have written her. Instead, I took historical figures and made fictional women around them. I wish we had more primary sources on women, written by women, about women, for women. But we don’t.

I know many people like to portray Anne Boleyn as a kind of hero, but I don’t see her that way. She did some nice things for some people, and she did some horrible things too. People generally get annoyed at Cromwell works because he was the man who killed Anne Boleyn, and no, there is nothing that can redeem such an act. I literally wrote Planning the Murder of Anne Boleyn, and I didn’t do it to absolve Cromwell of his part in it, but it does show the underbelly that propelled Anne to her death, entirely because of her husband. So please, send me rude messages about Cromwell if you like, but I have a tight schedule, so don’t expect a reply.

THE COMPLETE TRANSCRIBED LETTERS AND REMEMBRANCES OF THOMAS CROMWELL NOW UPDATED 2025

THE TRANSCRIBED LETTERS AND REMEMBRANCES OF THOMAS CROMWELL

Four hundred years passed between Thomas Cromwell’s death in 1540 and the recognition that this faithful servant was more than another agent of Henry VIII. Born a common man with no recorded education, Cromwell became a wealthy lawyer, politician, minister, and peer of the realm, and created the modern style of government in England. An extraordinary man of wisdom, charm, strategic cunning, and boasting an incredible memory, Cromwell redefined bureaucracy, broke a nation from Rome, reformed parliament, created royal supremacy and developed the revolutionary administrative procedures still in place today.

But after his execution, Thomas Cromwell became an intellectual genius lost to history, only now again known for his brilliance, finally appearing out from the shadows of the king he served. Cromwell laid the foundations for the success of Britain throughout the centuries, emerging from archives through the past seventy years of fine academic research, and now historical fiction brings the great man into public view once again.

Many know of Thomas Cromwell’s life through the words of others, their letters, tales, and opinions passed down through the years, with much of Cromwell’s vast correspondence lost to time and destruction. For the first time, Cromwell’s surviving letters are together in a single volume, alongside his personal remembrance lists, transcribed from original primary sources. Here are Thomas Cromwell’s letters on an array of subjects, without opinions from others, without the legal definitions of his legislation, the chance to read Cromwell’s own words.

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OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 29 October 1533: Cromwell discusses Queen Katharine with King Henry

Katherine of Aragon, Charles Robert Leslie, 1826, Royal Academy of Arts 03/1361

Cromwell wrote to King Henry as the king was away from London, to tell him of the progress with sending his warrants to Queen Katharine as Cromwell was preparing to put his Queen Katharine Act through parliament, settling her income and lands from her marriages. Cromwell also mentions concerns of the ‘traitorous’ Observant Friars, and their involvement with Elizabeth Barton, the Holy Maid of Kent, who Cromwell needed to interrogate, and money owed to Henry from the Emperor. 

MASTER CROMWELL TO KING HENRY VIII, 29 October 1533 (SP 1/80 f. 50)

It shall please your royal majesty to be informed how that returning homewards, one of my lord Chancellor’s servants met with me and delivered me your warrants, signed with the hand of the princess dowager (Queen Katharine), which I do send to your Grace herein enclosed. What your pleasure shall be to have done I shall right gladly accomplish.

I have also since my return to London spoken with Friar Lawrence, who has since his return to London heard several things touching the holy maid which he will declare to your highness and no other, and he showed me also that there be two strange friars of the order of Observants lately returned into this realm, which two friars have explored here. For all such books, sentences and determinations as has passed touching your highness, Matrimony, which they intend with other privy practices to convey with them, to Friar Petow who as I am credibly informed sent them into your realm. The said two friars as I am ascertained have brought with them privy letters to diverse people and now have gone to the said princess dowager. In my poor opinion it shall be right well done that they might be sent for by some trusty person, howbeit would be best that they first should be suffered to speak with her and such others of hers as would peradventure deliver to them anything, whereby their further practice might be perceived and so their cankered intents might be thereby deciphered. I am also informed that there is a merchant of London which does practice with them in this premise. I shall go very near to have knowledge therein. If it be true, he is worthy to suffer to make others beware in time if he is of good substance. I will this day go about to know the truth of these things would be met with all in time and the sooner the better. I trust your highness will, by this bearer, advertise me in writing what shall be your pleasure touching the said friars, as also touching of the said dowager’s warrants.

I have also sent to your Grace one acquittance to be assigned for the 24 thousand crowns due to your highness for the residue of the Emperor’s diet and also a warrant to your Chancellor for the sealing of the same warrant and acquittance. It may please your majesty to assign and to send the same by this bearer to Robert Fowler, who may be dispatched. The rest of the acquittances for your ordinary pension and sale been already signed and sealed. And this, the holy trinity to whom I shall continually pray to preserve your highness in long life and most prosperous health and send the same the victory with honour over all your enemies.

OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 27 October 1537: Queen Jane dead three days; time for a new bride

Portrait of Mary of Guise. c. 1537, later Queen of Scotland. by Corneille de Lyon. National Galleries Scotland, PG 1558

Cromwell informed Gardiner and Howard that Queen Jane had died, and that already they need to seek Princess Margaret of France (aged only 14), and Mary de Guise as possible new brides. Cromwell then rants to Gardiner about how giving Esher Palace to the king is not a suitable gift and then argues that Gardiner annoyed him by telling lies behind his back. Cromwell was still at Westminster, and this letter is a draft in Wriothesley’s hand.

LORD CROMWELL TO LORD EDMUND HOWARD AND BISHOP STEPHEN GARDINER, 27 October 1537 (SP viii, 368)

My very good lords, after most hearty commendations, howsoever, our affections would bear things that be adverse and contrary to our desires. Yet because (illegible) know that your wisdoms (illegible) preface reason and (illegible) that which every man to whom God has (illegible) will thankfully embrace that is his will and pleasure. I shall in few words comprehend that God has sent to us, that is with our joy, a notable displeasure and sorrow, if it may be called sorrow or displeasure, that he will permit and suffer. Our prince, our lord, be thanked is in good health and sucks like a child of his puissance, which you, my lord William can declare. Our masters, through the fault of them, that were about her, which suffered her to take great cold and to eat things that her fantasies in sickness called for, is departed to God. The king’s Majesty’s pleasure is that you shall advertise the French king of this, her Grace’s departure. Whom we be all bound to remember and pray for, having left to so goodly a pledge, as is our young master.

And forasmuch as though his Majesty is not anything disposed to marry again, albeit his highness, God be thanked, takes this chance as a man, that by reason with forte overcomes his affection, may take such an extreme adventure. Yet, as sundry of his Grace’s council here have thought it mete for us to be most humble suiters to his Majesty to consider the state of his realm, and to enter eftsoones (again) into another matrimony in place for his highness’ satisfaction convenient. So his tender zeal to us, his subjects, has already so much overcome his Grace’s disposition and framed his mind both to be indifferent to the thing, and to the election of any person from any part, that with deliberation shall be thought mete for him, that as we live in hope that his Grace will again couple himself to our comforts, so considering what parsonages in Christendom be mete for him.

Among the rest there be two in France that may be thought on, the one is the French king’s daughter, which as it is said is not the meetest. The other is Madame de Longueville (Mary de Guise), whom they say the king of Scots does desire, of whose conditions and qualities in every point his Majesty desires you both, with all your dexterity and good means, to enquire and likewise in what point and terms the said king of Scots stands towards either of them, which his highness is so desirous to know.

His Grace’s desire therein, to be nevertheless in any ways kept secret to yourselves, that his pleasure is that you, my lord William, shall not return until you may learn both how the king of Scots stands in his suit, and what the conditions and qualities of both persons be, which known as you may, by any possible means, attain to the knowledge of it, so as at the return of you, my lord William, you may well declare it and his Grace’s will that you, my lord William, shall return according to your instructions. In the searching out of which matter, his Majesty desires you both to exhibit that circumspection and diligence that may answer to his Grace’s expectation conceived of you.

Now, my lord of Winchester, yesternight arrived here your letters sent to the king’s Majesty by your servant Massey, and with the same your letters also to me, both which letters the king’s Majesty has thoroughly perused. And first, for your vigilance declared in the same, touching the investigation of the occurrences there, and specially in what terms the Emperor and the French king stand towards the peace his Grace gives to you hearty thanks, and the semblable for your gift to him of Esher, albeit the same be given with nothing but sorrow. For the assurance whereof, his highness will shortly send to you such deed or deeds to be signed with your hand, as by his learned Council shall be devised for that purpose.

Nevertheless, my lord, in your letters touching that matter of Esher, you do both me and others wrong to be angry with us without cause, and both to impute lack of memory where there was in that thing no such fault, and to think that things have been otherwise set forth towards you than indeed they have been. I am sorry, my lord to see you so contentious and to have so little care of your friends. Of what sort I have been towards you, I do refer myself to the king’s Majesty and to sundry others of his council that have known the proceedings here. And yet to be plain with you, when I wrote that the king’s Majesty took pleasure in your house and would make a chase about it, which should make it no house for your store, me thought it required at least such an answer as might have declared that you had been glad of it, in which case you should not have needed to have called to remembrance the lesson of Poseidon’s pain of doing nothing, for that is a place where there is grief.

As touching the promises you speak of, the one you say was not absolute because in the same deeds concurred not with the words, and the other is not performed for that your shamefastness let you to ask a horse before promised. Whereupon, you conclude that for a horse or anything else, wherein I may do you pleasure, you will thank me for the deed when it is done, and not for the promise or goodwill in the mean, which you do of likelihood esteem as you did my advice that is so gently returned to me, to be kept for my own store. First, I promised you no more than was in me, that was all that I could do in your suit for you, with a declaration of the hope I had to have obtained, and yet I think this alone ought neither to be so much despised that you should so earnestly refuse it hereafter, nor to be wrested to that which is not in me, that is that I should be able to do what I would. Whatsoever your opinion be of me, I marvel that you, knowing the wisdom of our Master, can think any man able to obtain things so at his hand.

Second, touching the horse, if I promised you one, I gave you one, and if I gave you one as I did according to my promise, I marvel your good memory will forget it. But to make an end of this matter, I will not be so contentious as to enter any new matters with you howsoever you use me or repute me. I shall be sorry that you can make no more of friendship, and in all things do towards you without respect as becomes me to do towards that person whom my Master puts in trust.

As concerning the abbot of Arbroath, being his master, the king’s highness’ nephew and in league with him, his Grace you should use him indifferently, like a friend as reason requires. And as for the instructions which you desire to have sent you for answer to be made to the French king. The king’s highness thinks that until his Majesty may know the covenants, he cannot grow to any resolution touching the same. And therefore, his pleasure is that, in such order as your wisdom shall think expedient, you shall practice to know the certain articles agreed on or to be agreed on if there be any such, and to certify his Majesty of the same, in the meantime sticking upon the point of his promise and bond to win his Majesty with him as a principal contrahent.

Finally I shall with speed take order for money to be delivered to your servant Peter Lark as in my former letters I wrote I would, and as for the rest of your suits the king’s Majesty will make you answer by his next letters