Had Bishop Stephen Gardiner, ambassador to King Francis in Paris, not kept this letter, there would be no mention from Thomas Cromwell about the case against Anne Boleyn and her co-conspirators in 1536. Cromwell writes to tell Gardiner and his secretary Sir John Wallop about Anne’s crimes and a threat against the King’s life, leaving out all details. Cromwell also promises money to Gardiner, which came from the money collected from the men owed to the king.. Europe needed to know that Anne Boleyn had sinned against the king so much that serious action was taken for the king’s protection. Neither Cromwell nor anyone else believed in the case, and no one else in Europe ever seemed to take the case seriously either, but happily accepted Jane Seymour as queen a few weeks later.
Nothing about the case against Anne survives, none of Cromwell’s handwriting appears anywhere on the topic, except for his signature at the bottom of this letter. Cromwell did not take part in any of the trials or attend anything to do with the king’s new marriage. See Planning the Murder of Anne Boleyn for all the details.
Bishop Stephen Gardiner c.1523, Liechtenstein Museum GE92
THOMAS CROMWELL TO STEPHEN GARDINER AND JOHN WALLOP, 14 May 1536
(Add. MSS. 25,114, f. 160)
To myn Assured Loving friends my lord of Winchestre and S John Wallop knight the King Ambassadors in Fraunce in hast post
After my right hearty commendations, albeit you shall at this time receive no answer to your letters sent by Salisbury, being the same deferred till the arrival of the bailiff of Troyes, yet the king’s highness thought convenient that I should advertise you of a chance, as most detestably and abominably devised, contrived, imagined done and continued, so most happily and graciously by the ordinance of God revelled, manifested, and notoriously known to all men.
Whereof, though you have heard, I doubt not, the rumour, yet I shall express to you some pain of the coming out, and of the king preceding in the same. The queen’s abomination both in incontinent living, and other offences towards the king’s highness was so rank and common, that her ladies of her privy chamber and her chambers could not contain it within their breasts. But detesting the same had so often continuations and conference of it, that at the last it came so plainly to the cares of some of his grace’s council that, with their duty to his Majesty, they could not conceal it from him, but with great fear, as the case enforced declared what they heard to his highness.
Whereupon, in most secret sort, certain persons of the privy chamber and others of her side were examined, in which examinations the matter appeared so evident, that beside that crime, with the accidents, there broke out a certain conspiracy of the king’s death, which extended so far that all we that had the examination of it quaked at the danger his Grace was in, and on our knees gave Him laude and praise that He had preserved him so long from it, and now manifested the most wretched and detestable determination of the same.
Thus, were certain men committed to the Tower for this cause, that is Mark (Smeaton) and (Henry) Norris, and her brother (George). Then was she apprehended, and conveyed to the same place, after her was sent thither for the crimes specified, Sir Francis Weston and William Brereton. And Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Mark be already condemned to death, upon arraignment in Westminster Hall on Friday last. She and her brother shall be arraigned tomorrow and will undoubtedly go the same way.
I write no particularities, the things be so abominable, that I think the like was never heard, and therefore I doubt not but this shall be sufficient for your instruction to declare the truth if you have occasion so to do. Your lordship shall get in 200 pounds (around £120,000 today) of the 300 pounds that were out amongst these men, notwithstanding great suit has been made for the whole, which though the king’s highness might give in this case, yet his Majesty does not forget your service. And the third 100 pounds is bestowed of the vicar of hell (Francis Bryan), upon whom though it be some charge to you, his highness trusts you will think it well bestowed. And thus, fare you most heartily well from the (Chancery of the) Rolls in haste, this 14th of May
Your loving assured friend
THOMAS CRUMWELL
And you, Master Wallop, shall not at this time be forgotten, but the certainty of that you shall have I cannot tell, but in the next letters you shall know it, and I assure you the king’s highness takes both your services in as thankful part as yourself could wish or devise.
The authorities at the University of Oxford had, for approximately six months, been creating laws contrary to the King’s, creating overly serious punishments for perceived crimes of locals. The Submission of the Clergy meant that the power to make laws, dispense justice, and decideupon punishments and fines, had all transferred away from those in the church to the crown. The University and the clergy could no longer had the right to do as they pleased and the king was furious at the usurpation of his power. A list of complaints exists, centred mostly around William Tresham, the commissary of the University, attempting to enact laws and speaking in the king’s name to the townspeople. The men of the university were essentially trying to extort money and goods from the local marketplace, which held special large events at multiple times per years, to the profit of the locals. Oxford University was still attempted to extort their cut of the profits, which they were no longer entitled to take. The University wrote to Cromwell the same day as his letter, arguing that they were, ‘molested by the townspeople, who did not understand the University’s privileges.’
The wording in today’s world may not sound harsh, but to receive words like those from Secretary Thomas Cromwell, as so commanded by King Henry, meant they were very serious about curbing Oxford’s power. Cromwell had worked around Oxford for years, both before and after his time with Wolsey, on the building of Christ’s, later King’s, College, and William Tresham was a friend, who had called upon Cromwell multiple times as a lawyer and colleague. The letter may seem simple enough, but it marks a clear line where Catholic control and privilege was being removed in England.
King Henry standing on Pope Clement VII, with Cranmer and Cromwell at his side (left) as printed in John Foxe
CROMWELL TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, 6 May 1534 (LP vii no. 618)
To the Chuncelour and comissarie wt other the heddes and membres of the vnyversite of Oxforde be this given
I commend me to you and advertise to you that the king’s highness is credibly informed of your abusings, usurpations and ungentle demeanour used towards the king’s highness’ subjects and inhabitants of the town of Oxford and suburbs of the same. I cannot but marvel that you, being men of learning, and in whom should remain both wisdom and discretion, will, in such ways, demean yourself, not only in making of laws and ordinances amongst yourself to their hindrance, hurt and prejudice, but also contrary to the king’s laws, which appertain to you, to have proceeded for nothing but mere malice.
Wherefore, intending to conduce and elect you to some good conformity and quietness, the king’s highness, therefore, has commanded me to advise you not only to restore all such persons as you have discommoned (deprived), permitting them to do and occupy as they did before, without maintaining or suffering any scholar or servants who they are occupied with in the town or suburb of the same as a burgesses (citizens), except if he or they do agree with the said burgesses.
But also, that in no ways you do vex, trouble or inquiet any of the said inhabitants by suspension, excommunication, discommoning, banishment or otherwise, using such discretion that all variances may cease and be stayed amongst you. So as all malice and evil will being contemned and expulsed from you, good amity, peace, and quietness may take place accordingly.
And doubt you not, or it be long the King’s Council, by his gracious commandment, will and have determined to set such an end and redress amongst you, as god willing shall be an establishing of a perpetual peace, good unity and accord amongst you forever. Fail not in this to do as you will answer to the king’s highness and avoid the danger of his indignation and high displeasure. And so fare you well.
Han Holbein’s design for the coronation pageant, Apollo and the Muses on Parnassus. Kupferstichcabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
FOR THE QUEEN’S CORONATION, 28 April 1533 (Egerton MS. 985, f. 57 b)
This is a list of items prepared for Anne’s coronation. The handwriting belongs to a clerk, as Cromwell took time to prepare for the coronation celebration, as the main items needed were jewels from the Jewel-House and money from the Exchequer, both of which he commanded, and fabric for clothing and decoration was so in demand that supplies ran short, and Cromwell’s connections in the industry kept the cloth coming. Anne’s coronation took place on 1 June, but Cromwell only received the the Convocation of Canterbury’s officially rulings declaring Anne’s marriage to Henry valid a few days before the event. Crowmell had to plan the event in the hope that Thomas Cranmer would be able to push through the ruling that Katharine of Aragon’s marriage to the king was void and that Anne Boleyn could be the queen. The pair worked furiously through May to make everything happen.
For the Quenes coronacion
To appoint the day for the coronation, and to prepare all things for the same.
Letters from the King to be sent to the nobles, lords, knights, ladies, and others to attend, and to those who will be created knights of the Bath, whose names Garter is to have.
Commissions to be made for the Great Steward and Constable.
The day when the Steward shall sit in the White Hall.
All noble men who hold land by service royal to bring in their claims.
The mayor, aldermen, commoners, and crafts(men) of London are to meet the Queen before she comes to the Tower.
The King will meet her at the Tower. A kirtle and mantle (coat) of cloth of gold furred with ermines.
A lace of silk and gold with tassels for the mantle.
A circlet of gold garnished with precious stones.
A litter of timber covered with cloth of gold.
Down pillows covered with cloth of gold, for the litter.
A lady appointed by name to bear her train.
The mayor, aldermen, and crafts(men) of London are to do their service accustomed, and the streets between the Tower and Westminster are to be garnished with tapestry, arras, silk, and the banners, standard, and pennons of crafts to be ready to garnish the barges and stand where the wardens be of each occupation.
The Lords, the High Steward, Constable of England, Garter, the Mayor of London, and the two squires of honour to be in crimson velvet and beket hats.
The tipstaves (court officers) of the marshals in their liveries, to avoid the press of people.
A canopy of gold with valance to be borne by 16 knights.
Two esquires of honour to be appointed to represent the dukes of Normandy and Aquitaine.
A horse of estate, saddled, to be led by the Master of the Queen’s horse.
Six henchmen on palfreys harnessed with cloth of gold.
Two chairs covered with cloth of gold, and ladies of the highest estate to sit in them, clothed in crimson velvet.
Six ladies on palfreys with saddles and harness like those of the henchmen.
Two other chairs richly garnished for the Queen’s ladies.
A great number of ladies and gentlewomen on palfreys dressed according to their estates.
A void to be prepared for the Queen at Westminster.
A kirtle and mantle of purple velvet furred with ermines, with a lace, for the day of the coronation.
A circlet.
A cloth of estate in Westminster Hall.
The procession. A ray (striped) cloth to go from the Hall to Westminster.
A canopy borne by the barons of the Cinque Ports.
Two bishops to go every (either) side of the Queen.
The verge (symbolic rod) of ivory to be borne.
The sceptre.
A rich crown of gold.
Liveries to be given according to the precedents of the Wardrobe.
The archbishop of Canterbury to do as appertains.
The seat royal or pulpit to be dressed with cloth of gold and cushions.
The Queen to be howseled (receive the Eucharist), and after to have secret refection (refreshment) of such meat as she likes best.
A stage to be made, latticed, and covered with rich cloths, for the King and others to see the solemnity.
The mayor, aldermen, and commoners of London, with their crafts, to meet the Queen before she comes to the Tower.
The King to meet her and welcome her at the Tower.
The service to the Queen at dinner, and the ordering of the hall, to be committed to those who have authority.
A stage in Westminster Hall for minstrels and trumpets.
The kings of arms, heralds, and pursuivants to keep their accustomed stage at the right end of the table, and to have a cloth on the table with proper service.
The Treasurer and Comptroller to go on foot, and the three high estates of Constable, Marshal, and Steward, on horseback, their horses trapped.
A stage on the left side of the Hall latticed and garnished for the King.
The surnap (handwashing napkin), and who shall draw it, the marshal to be named.
The void after.
The Mayor to bear the cup of gold. Jousts and tourneys.
To appoint the number of challengers and defenders for the jousts, to go before the Queen from the Tower to Westminster Hall on their steering horses, garnished with bells and devices.
The Lord Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller must give warning overnight to those who shall do any service.
CROMWELL’S REMEMBRANCES TO THE KING, April 1533 (MSS Titus, B.I. 422)
On the back of a letter listing the King’s demands to the Merchants of the Staple (saying their due bills and new taxes on wool from Calais), Cromwell scribbled down a few more remembrances to discuss directly with King Henry. It’s a a short list with massive implications for the royal family. Cromwell would take some of his busier to-do lists to the king and have Henry sign them, so there could be no debate whether the king was acting on Henry’s instructions or not. A simple method that provided great security.
Remember the judgment to be prepared for the King’s great matter.
Item, for the dispatch of my lord of Norfolk.
Item, the bill for the succession, and to rest upon the same.
For to devise for the coronation, and to see presentiments (possible foreboding feelings) for the same.
Item, to devise for lands for the Queen (Anne)
Item, for the establishment of the Dowager (Queen Katharine)
Westminster in the Tudor period. H J Brewer, The Builder magazine, 1884
THE SUPPLICATION OF THE COMMONS AGAINST THE ORDINARIES, April 1532 (Wilkins, III. 750)
The Supplication of the Commons Against the Ordinaries was one of Cromwell’s 1532 masterstrokes. The papers were grievances against the Ordinaries, as abuse was rife within the Church, along with issues surrounding the way they ignored their own laws and unfairly punished lay people for similar behaviour. It is unknown when the Supplication was first drafted; Cromwell may have had his papers drawn up years in advance, given all he had seen over the past few years.[2] The supplication passed in the Commons in January and formally put to King Henry in March.
By the end of April, the King received the Answer of the Ordinaries after it passed through Convocation, who naturally argued against what Cromwell had written. The Church held an enormous amount of power in England, making their own laws and passing their own sentences on laypeople, who did not have the education to argue their case, nor the money to bribe church officials in return for safety. Stripping the Ordinaries of their powers would hand much control back to the King and help a lot of innocent people.[3] In 1533, Cromwell set to work in moving the jurisdiction of laws from the church to the crown, something we take for granted today.
‘A boke ayenst the clergy for takyng excessyve Fees’
To the King our Sovereign Lord
In most humble ways shown unto your excellent highness and most prudent wisdom, your faithful, loving and most humble and obedient subjects, The Commons in this your present Parliament, assembled that where of late as well, through new fantastical and erroneous opinions grown by occasion of frantic, seditious and overthwartly framed books compiled, imprinted, published and made in the English tongue, contrary and against the very true Catholic and Christian Faith, and also by the unreasonable and extreme rigour indiscrete and uncharitable behaviour and dealing of diverse ordinaries. The Commissaries and Substitutes which have heretofore had the examination in and upon the said errors and heretical opinions. Much discord, variance and debate has risen and more and more daily is like to increase and ensue amongst the universal sort of your said subjects, as well as spiritual and temporal, either against others in most uncharitable manners, to the great inquietation, vexation and breech of your peace within this your most Catholic realm. The special particular grieves whereof which most principally concerned your said Commons and lay subjects, and which are as they undoubtedly suppose the very chief foundations, occasions and causes that daily fosters, nourishes and maintains the said seditions, factions, deadly hatred and most uncharitable partakings, either part and sort of your said subjects, spiritual and temporal, against the other hereafter followingly do ensue.
First, where the prelates and spiritual Ordinaries of this your most excellent realm of England and the clergy of the same, have in their convocations, heretofore made and caused to be made, and also daily do, make diverse and many factions of laws, constitutions and ordinances without your knowledge or most royal assent, and without the assent and consent of any your lay subjects, unto the which laws your said lay subjects have not only heretofore and daily be bounden constrained to obey, as well in their bodies, goods and possessions, but also been compelled daily to incur into the censures of the same, and been continually put to importable charges and expenses against all equal right and good conscience. And yet your said humble subjects nor their predecessors could ever be privy to the said laws, nor any of the said laws have been declared unto them in the English tongue or otherwise published. By knowledge whereof, they might have extued (avoided) the dangers, censures, and penalties of the same. Which laws so made your said most humble and obedient subjects under the support of your Majesty are supposed to be not only to the diminution and derogation of your imperial jurisdiction and prerogative royal, but also to the great prejudice, inquietation and damage of all your said subjects. And also, where now of late there has been devised by the most Reverend father in God William, Archbishop of Canterbury, that in the courts which he calls His Courts of the Arches and Audience, shall be but only ten proctors at his deputation, which be sworn to prefer and promote the only jurisdiction and preferment of the said courts. By reason whereof, if any of your lay subjects shoulder have any lawful cause against the Judge of the said Courts or against any doctor or proctor of the same, or any of their friends or adherents, they cannot may in any wise have indifferent counsel. And also all the causes depending in any of the said courts may, by the confederacy of the said few proctors, be in such wise tracked and delayed, as your subjects suing in the same shall be put to importable charges, costs and expenses. And in case that any matters there being preferred should touch your Crown Regal Jurisdiction and prerogative royal, yet the same shall not be disclosed by any of the said proctors for fear of loss of their offices. Wherefore, your said most obedient subjects under the protection of your majesty suppose that your highness should have the nomination of some convenient number of proctors to be always attendant in the said courts of the arches and audience there to be sworn as well to the preferment of your jurisdiction and prerogative royal, as to the expedition of all the causes of your lay subjects repairing and suing to the same.
And where also many of your said most humble and obedient subjects and specially those that be of the poorest sort within this your realm, been daily convened and called before the said spiritual Ordinaries, their Commissaries and Substitutes and Officials sometimes at the pleasure of the said Ordinaries and Substitutes, for malice without any cause and sometimes at the only promotion and accusement of their false summoners and apparitors being very light and indiscrete persons, without any lawful cause of accusation or credible fame proved against them, and without any presentment in the visitation been inquieted, disturbed vexed, troubled and put to excessive and importable charges for them to bear, and many times be suspended and excommunicated for small and light causes, upon the only certificate of the proctors of the adversaries made under a feigned seal, which every proctor has in his keeping, whereas the party suspended and excommunicated many times never had any warning and yet when he shall be absolved if it be out of the court he shall be compelled to pay to his own proctor 20 pence, and to the proctor which is against him another 20 pence, and 20 pence to the scribe besides a pricey reward that the Judge shall have to the great impoverishing of your said poor lay subjects.
Also, your said most humble and obedient subjects find them grieved with the great and excessive fees taken in the said spiritual courts and in especially in the said Courts of the Arches, and audience where they take; for every citation 2 shillings 6 pence; for every inhibition 6 shillings 8 pence; for every proxy 16 pence, for every certificate 16 pence; for every libel 3 shillings 4 pence; for every answer to any libel 3 shillings 4 pence; for every act, even if it be but two words to the Register 4 pence; for every personal citation or decree 3 shillings 4 pence; for every sentence or judgement to the Judge 26 shillings 8 pence; for every testimonial upon any such sentence or judgement 26 shillings 8 pence; for every significate 12 shillings; for every commission to examine witnesses 12 shillings. Which is thought to be importable to be borne by your said subjects and very necessary to be reformed.
Furthermore, where the said spiritual Ordinaries many times purposely to revenge their inward grieves and displeasures and to put their said laws in execution their Commissaries and Substitutes sometimes for their own pleasures, sometimes by the sinister procurement of other spiritual persons use, to make out process against diverse of your said subjects and thereby compel them to appear before themselves to answer at a certain day and place to such articles as by them shall be of office before themselves. Then, purposed and that secretly and not in open places, and forthwith upon their appearance without cause or any declaration, then made or showed commit and send them to ward, where they remain without bail or mainprise (non-custodial bail) sometimes half a year, and sometimes a whole year and more. Nor they may in any ways know either the cause of their imprisonment or any name of their accuser, and finally their great costs, charges and expenses therein, when all is examined and nothing can be proved against them, but they clearly innocent for any fault or crime that can be laid onto them in that part, been set again at large without any recompense or amends in that behalf to be towards them adjudged.
And also, if percase upon the said process and appearance any party be upon the said matter, cause or examination brought forth and named either as party or witness, and then upon the proffe (pre-trial evidence) and trial thereof not able to prove and verify his said accusation or testimony against the party so accused to be true, then the person so causelessly accused is clearly for the more part without any remedy for his charges and wrongful vexation to be in that part towards him adjudged and recovered.
Also, upon the examination of the said accusation, if heresy be ordinarily laid onto the charge of the party so accused, then the said Ordinaries or their ministers use to put to them such subtle interrogatories concerning the high mysteries of our faith as are able quickly to trap a simple unlearned, or yet a well-witted lay man without learning, and bring them by such sinister introduction, some to his own confusion. And forthwith, if there any chance heresy to be, by such subtle policy by him confessed in words, and yet never committed nor thought in deed, then put they without further favour the said person either to make his purgation, and so thereby to lose his honesty and credence for ever, or else as some simple silly soul precisely standing to the clear testimony of his own well-known conscience rather than to confess his innocent truth to abide thextreme examynacion of deth by the Fyer the extremity in that behalf and so is utterly destroyed.
And if by fortune the said party so accused is to deny the said accusation and so put his adversary to prove the false same untruly forged and imagined against him, then for the more part such witnesses as been brought forth for the same be they but two in number, never so sore defamed of little truth or credence, adversaries or enemies to the party yet they shall be allowed and enabled only by discretion of the said Ordinaries, their Commissaries and Substitutes, and there upon sufficient cause to proceed to judgement to deliver the party so accused either to the secular hands and so to be burned after abjuration without remedy, and before if he submit himself to compel him when best happens, to make his purgation and bear a(n emblem of a) fagotte to his extreme shame and utter undoing.
In consideration whereof, most gracious Sovereign Lord, and forasmuch as there is at this present time and by a few years past has been outrageous violence on the one part and much default and lack of payment, and sufferance, charity and good will on the other part, a marvelous disorder of the godly quiet, peace and tranquility that this your realm heretofore ever hitherto has been in, thorough your politic wisdom in most honourable fame and Catholic faith inviolably preserved. It may therefore, most benign Sovereign lord, like your excellent goodness for the tender and universally indifferent zeal, benign love, and favour that your highness bears toward both the said parties, the said articles if they shall be, by your most clear and perfect judgement, thought any instruments or causes of the said variance and disorder, or those and all other occasions whatsoever accompanied by your highness, to make towards the said factions deeply and weightily, after your accustomed eyes and manner searched, weighed and considered graciously, to provide all violence on both sides utterly and clearly set a part some such necessary and behofull (discerning) remedies as may effectually reconcile and bring in perpetual unity your said subjects, spiritual and temporal. And for the establishing thereof to make and ordain on both sides such straight laws against the breakers, transgressors and offenders as shall be too heavy, dangerous, and weighty for them, or any of them, to bear, suffer and sustain. Whereunto, your said Commons, most humbly, heartily, and entirely, beseech your grace as the only head Sovereign, Lord Protector and Defender of both the said parties, in whom and by whom the only and sole redress, reformation and remedy herein absolutely rests and remains. By occasion whereof, all your said Commons, in their conscience surely accompt) that besides the marvellous, fervent love that your highness shall thereby gain and engender in their hearts towards your Grace, you shall do the most princely feat, and show the most honourable and charitable president and mirror that ever a Sovereign lord did upon his subjects and with that, merit and deserve of our merciful lord’s eternal bliss, whose goodness grant your Grace in most godly, princely and honourable estate, long to reign, prosper and continue as the Sovereign lord over all your said most humble and most obedient subjects.
And Where also. the said prelates and Ordinaries daily do permit and suffer the parsons, vicars curates, parish priests and other spiritual persons having cure of soul within this your realm, ministering unto your said loving subjects to exact and take of your humble and obedient subjects, diverse sums of money for the Sacraments and sacramentals of holy church, as the holy sacrament of the altar, baptism, matrimony, confession, burials, weddings, churchings, and such other sometimes denying the same without they first being paid the said sums of money and to take for the ministration of the same of your said subjects divers and certain sums of money alleging the same to be their duties. Which sacraments and sacramentals your said most humble and obedient subjects, under the protection of your highness, do suppose and think ought to be in most reverent charitable and goodly wise freely ministered unto them at all times, requisite without denial or any manner some or exaction of any manner sums of money or other duty or contribution to be asked demanded or required for the same to be demanded or asked for the same. And also, where in the spiritual courts of the said Prelates and Ordinaries been limited and appointed for many Judges, Scribes, Apparitors, Summoners, Appraisers, and other ministers for the approbation of testaments, which coveting so much their own private lucres (immoral profits) and satisfaction of the appetites of the said Prelates and Ordinaries, that when any of your said loving subjects do repair to any of the said Courts for the probate of any testaments they do in such ways extorte and make long delays or excessively take of them so large fees and rewards for the same, as is importable for them to bear directly against all justice law, equity and good conscience.
And also where most gracious Sovereign, the Judges Constituted and appointed by the said spiritual Ordinaries in their said Courts to here and determine causes there, do in likewise daily take many great and excessive fees and rewards of your said poor subjects having any cause or matier depending before them as is aforesaid And over that when any Judgement or sentence by the said Judge shall be given before them will also have great sums of money for the same. So that nothing is or can be obtained in any of the said Courts without money.
Wherefore, Your said most humble and obedient subjects do therefore, under your gracious correction and support, suppose it were very necessary that the said Ordinaries in the deputation of such Judges should be bound to appoint and assign such discreet, gracious and honest persons having sufficient learning, wit, discretion and understanding and also being indeed with such spiritual promotions stipend and salary as they, being Judges in their said courts, might and may minister to every person repairing to the same Justice without taking any manner, fee or reward for any manner sentence or judgement to be given before them, and also, whereas diverse spiritual persons being presented as well by your highness and by other patrons within this your realm to any diverse benefices or other spiritual promotion. The said Ordinaries and there ministers do not only take of them for their Letters of Institution and Induction, many great and excessive large sums of money and rewards, but also do pact and covenant with the same, taking sure bonds for their indemnity to answer to the said Ordinaries the first fruits of the said benefices after their Institution, so as they being ones presented or promoted as is aforesaid been by the said Ordinaries very extremely uncharitably handled, to their no little hindrance and impoverishment, which your said subjects suppose not only to be against all laws right and good conscience, but also to be simony (benefice for profit) and contrary to the laws of God.
And also, whereas the said spiritual Ordinaries do daily confer and give sundry benefices unto certain young folks, calling them their nephews or kinsfolk, being in their minority and within age not apt nor able to serve the cure of any such benefice. Whereby, the said ordinaries do keep and detain the fruits and profits of the same benefices in their own hands and thereby accumulate to themselves right great and large sums of money and yearly profits to the most pernicious example of all your said lay subjects and so the curates and other promotions given unto such infants been only given but employed to enrich the enriching of the said Ordinaries and the poor silly souls of your people and subjects which should be taught in the parishes given as aforesaid for lack of good curates do perish without doctrine or any good teaching.
And also where a great number of holy days which now at this present time, with very small devotion be solemnised, and kept throughout this your realm, upon the which many great abominable and execrable vices, idle and wanton sports been used and exercised, which holy days, if it may stand with your gracious pleasure, and special such as fall in the harvest might, by your majesty, by the advice of your most honourable council, prelates and Ordinaries be made fewer in number, and those that shall hereafter be ordained to stand and continue might and may be the more devoutly, religiously and reverently observed to the lord of almighty God and to the increase of your high honour and fame.
Ralph Sadler by Hans Holbein. Metropolitan Museum of Art, 49.7.28
On 7 April, 1540, Cromwell wrote to Ralph Sadler, newly the co-secretary to the King. How odd Cromwell must have felt to write to the Master Secretary after six official years in the role himself. The letter concerns sending Richard Pate to replace Thomas Wyatt and Thomas Legh with the Emperor, so that Wyatt could accompany the Prince of Salerno, Ferdinando Sanseverino, to England for a visit. The letter shows the teething problems of the role changing hands; whereas Cromwell and Henry could have discussed matters, now the King would tell Sadler, who would talk to Cromwell, who then had to explain his suggestion, and then Sadler reported back to Henry. At the time, Cromwell was at home at Austin Friars while Sadler was at court with the king. This was a long-standing arrangement that allowed Cromwell a bit of space from court when needed.
Sadler and Thomas Wriothesley were the first men to share the role, a situation that would not last. Promoted into the role because of his favour and loyalty, Ralph Sadler was more than capable of the role, trusted by the king, and would give another 40 years of fine loyal service to the crown. Sadler’s partner in the role, Wriothesley, would soon become a traitor to his master in an attempt to gain his own favour before bullying Sadler out of the role. Wriothesley died alone in 1550 after eventually being spurned by the court.
This is one of the final letters sent out under the name Thaosm Cromwell, as Cromwell was then given an earldom and started signing letters as Thomas Essex.
THOMAS LORD CROMWELL TO SECRETARY RALPH SADLER, 7 April 1540 (Roy. 7 C. xvi, f. 149)
To my assured loving friend, Mr. Sadler, Esquire, one of the King’s Majesty’s two principal secretaries.
Master Secretary, after my right hearty commendations, by your letters addressed unto me by this bearer, I do perceive the King’s Majesty’s pleasure touching answer to Mr. Wyatt’s letters, which I received as I rode hither, and be now remitted unto me, I require you to signify to his Majesty that I shall, according to my most bounden duty, cause Mr. Pate to put himself in order, and give advertisement to Mr. Wyatt accordingly. Immediately upon the receipt of your answer to the letters which dispatch to Mr. Wyatt, I shall stay till that time upon the purpose following.
First, where his Majesty thinks that Mr. Pate might arrive in such season as Mr. Wyatt might well accompany the Prince of Salerno hither, surely I think the same, but whether Mr. Wyatt should have his opportunity to depart so soon after Mr. Pate’s coming as he might well accompany the said Prince or no, I doubt much, the time of the taking of his leave, and the receipt of such letters and matter as he should bring with him not being in his arbiter or appointment. And yet as I think it were not mete that he made too much haste even at his departure, lest thereby he should lose some knowledge worthy to be related after to the King’s Majesty. Again, under his Majesty’s correction, I think it more mete that Mr. Wyatt should animate the said prince of himself to come hither as though he had given no significance of it, then that he should accompany him, being there his highness’ ambassador.
The world which knows that an ambassador dares not conduct such a man without his Master’s knowledge may think otherwise of it then there is cause, seeing it shall be no doubt of it opened that neither he has desired license to come, nor yet shall be recommended by the Emperor. In my poor opinion, it should be well done that some warnings were sent to Calais for his entertainment if he come, and some order for the like at Dover etc. for his money after he shall be here arrived, without making any further suits unto him in this behalf. Wherein, nevertheless I refer me wholly to his Majesty’s pleasure as my bounden duty requires and shall upon your answer make the dispatch accordingly.
Touching Legh, I think the opinion good for his coming home with Mr. Wyatt, which I trust shall be composed in such ways as he shall not stick at it, and then his Majesty may object to him his contemptuous absence at his pleasure. And if his gracious pleasure be that I shall send the minute after it shall be devised, I shall accomplish his pleasure therein as shall appertain. Since the beginning of this letter, I am informed that Mr. Pate is there. I pray you send for him and help him to take his leave that he may repair hither with diligence, and in the mean season, his letters of credence shall be prepared. But as for instructions, I think he shall better take them at Mr. Wyatt’s hand as to learn the state of things, then we can advise him here, unless it shall please the King’s Majesty to commit any other secret matter unto him then I know of. Thus, most heartily fare you well. From London this Wednesday night
Your assured friend
THOMAS CRUMWELL
Note added by attendant – My Lord Privy Seal to Mr Sadler.
CAROLINE ANGUS 