Tag: Henry VIII

OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 27 October 1537: Queen Jane dead three days; time for a new bride

Published on by Caroline AngusLeave a comment
Portrait of Mary of Guise. c. 1537, later Queen of Scotland. by Corneille de Lyon. National Galleries Scotland, PG 1558

Cromwell informed Gardiner and Howard that Queen Jane had died, and that already they need to seek Princess Margaret of France (aged only 14), and Mary de Guise as possible new brides. Cromwell then rants to Gardiner about how giving Esher Palace to the king is not a suitable gift and then argues that Gardiner annoyed him by telling lies behind his back. Cromwell was still at Westminster, and this letter is a draft in Wriothesley’s hand.

LORD CROMWELL TO LORD EDMUND HOWARD AND BISHOP STEPHEN GARDINER, 27 October 1537 (SP viii, 368)

My very good lords, after most hearty commendations, howsoever, our affections would bear things that be adverse and contrary to our desires. Yet because (illegible) know that your wisdoms (illegible) preface reason and (illegible) that which every man to whom God has (illegible) will thankfully embrace that is his will and pleasure. I shall in few words comprehend that God has sent to us, that is with our joy, a notable displeasure and sorrow, if it may be called sorrow or displeasure, that he will permit and suffer. Our prince, our lord, be thanked is in good health and sucks like a child of his puissance, which you, my lord William can declare. Our masters, through the fault of them, that were about her, which suffered her to take great cold and to eat things that her fantasies in sickness called for, is departed to God. The king’s Majesty’s pleasure is that you shall advertise the French king of this, her Grace’s departure. Whom we be all bound to remember and pray for, having left to so goodly a pledge, as is our young master.

And forasmuch as though his Majesty is not anything disposed to marry again, albeit his highness, God be thanked, takes this chance as a man, that by reason with forte overcomes his affection, may take such an extreme adventure. Yet, as sundry of his Grace’s council here have thought it mete for us to be most humble suiters to his Majesty to consider the state of his realm, and to enter eftsoones (again) into another matrimony in place for his highness’ satisfaction convenient. So his tender zeal to us, his subjects, has already so much overcome his Grace’s disposition and framed his mind both to be indifferent to the thing, and to the election of any person from any part, that with deliberation shall be thought mete for him, that as we live in hope that his Grace will again couple himself to our comforts, so considering what parsonages in Christendom be mete for him.

Among the rest there be two in France that may be thought on, the one is the French king’s daughter, which as it is said is not the meetest. The other is Madame de Longueville (Mary de Guise), whom they say the king of Scots does desire, of whose conditions and qualities in every point his Majesty desires you both, with all your dexterity and good means, to enquire and likewise in what point and terms the said king of Scots stands towards either of them, which his highness is so desirous to know.

His Grace’s desire therein, to be nevertheless in any ways kept secret to yourselves, that his pleasure is that you, my lord William, shall not return until you may learn both how the king of Scots stands in his suit, and what the conditions and qualities of both persons be, which known as you may, by any possible means, attain to the knowledge of it, so as at the return of you, my lord William, you may well declare it and his Grace’s will that you, my lord William, shall return according to your instructions. In the searching out of which matter, his Majesty desires you both to exhibit that circumspection and diligence that may answer to his Grace’s expectation conceived of you.

Now, my lord of Winchester, yesternight arrived here your letters sent to the king’s Majesty by your servant Massey, and with the same your letters also to me, both which letters the king’s Majesty has thoroughly perused. And first, for your vigilance declared in the same, touching the investigation of the occurrences there, and specially in what terms the Emperor and the French king stand towards the peace his Grace gives to you hearty thanks, and the semblable for your gift to him of Esher, albeit the same be given with nothing but sorrow. For the assurance whereof, his highness will shortly send to you such deed or deeds to be signed with your hand, as by his learned Council shall be devised for that purpose.

Nevertheless, my lord, in your letters touching that matter of Esher, you do both me and others wrong to be angry with us without cause, and both to impute lack of memory where there was in that thing no such fault, and to think that things have been otherwise set forth towards you than indeed they have been. I am sorry, my lord to see you so contentious and to have so little care of your friends. Of what sort I have been towards you, I do refer myself to the king’s Majesty and to sundry others of his council that have known the proceedings here. And yet to be plain with you, when I wrote that the king’s Majesty took pleasure in your house and would make a chase about it, which should make it no house for your store, me thought it required at least such an answer as might have declared that you had been glad of it, in which case you should not have needed to have called to remembrance the lesson of Poseidon’s pain of doing nothing, for that is a place where there is grief.

As touching the promises you speak of, the one you say was not absolute because in the same deeds concurred not with the words, and the other is not performed for that your shamefastness let you to ask a horse before promised. Whereupon, you conclude that for a horse or anything else, wherein I may do you pleasure, you will thank me for the deed when it is done, and not for the promise or goodwill in the mean, which you do of likelihood esteem as you did my advice that is so gently returned to me, to be kept for my own store. First, I promised you no more than was in me, that was all that I could do in your suit for you, with a declaration of the hope I had to have obtained, and yet I think this alone ought neither to be so much despised that you should so earnestly refuse it hereafter, nor to be wrested to that which is not in me, that is that I should be able to do what I would. Whatsoever your opinion be of me, I marvel that you, knowing the wisdom of our Master, can think any man able to obtain things so at his hand.

Second, touching the horse, if I promised you one, I gave you one, and if I gave you one as I did according to my promise, I marvel your good memory will forget it. But to make an end of this matter, I will not be so contentious as to enter any new matters with you howsoever you use me or repute me. I shall be sorry that you can make no more of friendship, and in all things do towards you without respect as becomes me to do towards that person whom my Master puts in trust.

As concerning the abbot of Arbroath, being his master, the king’s highness’ nephew and in league with him, his Grace you should use him indifferently, like a friend as reason requires. And as for the instructions which you desire to have sent you for answer to be made to the French king. The king’s highness thinks that until his Majesty may know the covenants, he cannot grow to any resolution touching the same. And therefore, his pleasure is that, in such order as your wisdom shall think expedient, you shall practice to know the certain articles agreed on or to be agreed on if there be any such, and to certify his Majesty of the same, in the meantime sticking upon the point of his promise and bond to win his Majesty with him as a principal contrahent.

Finally I shall with speed take order for money to be delivered to your servant Peter Lark as in my former letters I wrote I would, and as for the rest of your suits the king’s Majesty will make you answer by his next letters

OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 12 October 1537: Cromwell tells Thomas Wyatt of baby Prince Edward

Published on by Caroline AngusLeave a comment
The Death of Jane Seymour by Eugène Devéria, 1847, Valence Museum

The same morning as the birth of Prince Edward at Hampton Court Palace, Cromwell’s hastily wrote to Wyatt to tell him of the good news, addressing the letter in French. Cromwell would have been thrilled with the news; a son and heir was finally secure for the king and his realm, and it would make his own son Gregory an uncle to the future king of England.

LORD CROMWELL TO SIR THOMAS WYATT, 12 October 1537 (Harl. MSS. 282, f. 211)

A mon tresbon et asseure amy Monsieur Wyat onseille et ambassade du Roye Dangleterre esidet en La Court Lemper.

To my very good and assured friend, Monsieur Wyatt, advisor and ambassador of the King of England, resident in the court of the Emperor. After my right hearty commendations, this shall be to advertise you that since the departure of Rougecroix, who was dispatched to you in post on Wednesday last here, be no news occurring but very good news which for surety I have received this morning, that it has pleased almighty God of his goodness to send to the Queen’s Grace deliverance of a goodly prince to the great comfort, rejoice and consolation of the King’s Majesty and of all us his most humble loving and obedient subjects. Whereof, we have very great cause to thank our most benign and gracious creator, who after so long expectation has exalted our prayers and desires. I have written this letter having the opportunity of this present courier to the intent that you shall advertise the Emperor thereof. I think that with convenient diligence the King’s highness will write to him and to other prince of the same to make them participant of his great, joy and comfort. Whereof, I shall move him tomorrow at my next being with his Grace. Thus, fare you heartily well From Saint James beside Westminster this 12th of October the 28th of his most prosperous reign.

Your loving assured friend

THOMAS CRUMWELL

OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 17 August 1529: Cromwell Writes to John Creke in Spain

Published on by Caroline AngusLeave a comment
Parliament of 1523, RCIN 1047414

While this letter does not have a year on the letter itself, Cromwell talks of Parliament, and Parliament only sat twice in the 1520s (mid-1523 and late 1529). The messy handwriting is an honest and casual letter to one of Cromwells closest friends, John Creke, who was in Bilbao, Spain, working as a merchant. Creke regularly wrote long letters despairing at being apart form Cromwell.

THOMAS CROMWELL TO JOHN CREKE, 17 August 1523* (SP 1/28 f. 154)

To my special and entyrelye belouyd Frende John Creke be this youyn Bylbowe in Biscaye.

Master Creke, as heartily as I can, I commend me, and in the same way thank you for your gentle and loving letters to me at various times. I accordingly have not likewise remembered and written, as it has been that I have not had anything to write or which to advertise to you. I assure you if it were in my little power, I could be well contented to favour you as far as any one man living. But at present, I am somewhat intending to remember and remunerate old acquaintances, and to renew our not forgotten various communications. Supposing you desire to know the current news in these parts, it is said that news refreshes the spirit of life.

You shall understand that for a long time, I among others have endured a Parliament which contended the space of 17 whole weeks where we communed of war, peace, strife, contention, debate, murmured grudges, riches, poverty, penury, truth, falsehood, justice, equity, distaste, oppression, magnanimity, accurate force, intemperance, treason, murder, felony, consuls… and also how a common wealth might be edified and continued within our realm. However, in conclusion we have done as our predecessors have done, that is to say, that we left where we began.

You should also know the Duke of Suffolk is furnished with a great army to go with all goodly haste when I know not, when I know I shall advertise you. Our Parliament granted the King’s Highness a right large subsidy, the like whereof was never granted in this realm. All your friends, to my knowledge, be in good health and especially those that you want of: you know what I mean. I think it best to write in parables because I am in doubt. Master Vaughan fares well, and also Master Munkcaster. Master Woodall is merry without a wife and I commend you. So is Nicholas Longmede, who has paid William Wilford. And thus, fare you well as I would do myself. At London, the 17th day of August by your friend to all his possible power

THOMAS CRUMWELL

OTD with Thomas Cromwell – 24 July 1540: Cromwell’s Final Letter from the Tower

Published on by Caroline AngusLeave a comment

On 24 July 1540, Thomas Cromwell wrote his final letter from the Tower, and discussed none of the issues you would expect. Those in the Tower who were awaiting execution generally knew their time was coming, and set about making sure their debts were paid. If found guilty of heresy and/or treason, or attainted (declared guilty without a trial), all possessions were forfeit to the crown, and so no will was required. Even so, many wrote notes asking for help for others, to pay bills or pass on messages. Sadly, nothing remains of Cromwell making preparations at the end of his life, or even how far in advance Cromwell knew of the end of his days. While Henry nicely planned his wedding to  Katheryn Howard to coincide with Cromwell’s execution, precious few knew of the alignment, and certainly not Cromwell himself.

So the final letter written by Cromwell is one that centres on none of his situation. Rather, his letter to the Privy Council instead is over what is now called The Rochepot Affair. To cut a long story short and to simplify (I do explain it properly in my book), François de Montmorency, Sieur de la Rochepot (brother to the Constable of France, Anne de Montmorency) had a ship confiscated in London, on Cromwell’s orders in 1538. A year earlier, the ship of one of three which attacked and robbed German merchants (Easterlings). While the ship could be held for the crime of attacking the Germans, a second incident had occurred. The French were withholding Cromwell’s precious English bibles, which were printed in Paris, and Rochepot’s ship could be exchanged for the bibles. But after the French released the captive bibles and they went to England in 1539, Cromwell never released the ship, and it sat idle. Jurisdiction on the case, which would see the ship released, took time. Cromwell had no interest in Rochepot’s ship; it was merely a pawn. But the king of France argued that Cromwell kept the ship in order to plunder its valuable goods. There is no proof of this, and nor did even Cromwell’s biggest enemies, all also on the panel to oversee the ship’s release, accuse him, only the French. But as Cromwell was attainted, he became a good scapegoat in the saga of the ongoing litigation, and Cromwell’s final letter attempts to clear his name of any wrongdoing over the “prize” aboard the Rochepot ship.

THOMAS CROMWELL TO THE LORDS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL, 24 July 1540 (SP i 642)

It pleases your good lordships to understand that I have read the letter sent to the king’s Majesty, sent from the French king, touching Monsieur de Rochepot, in which it appears that the French king supposes that, by my means, the said matter has not been ordered, and that I should have a great part of that prize. My lords, first, as I shall answer to God, I never bore favour in the matter otherwise than to justice appertaining, which was that Easterlings, who said they were, being in league with the French king, robbed by his subjects, desiring that forasmuch as their goods were safe within the king’s ports that they might have justice here. Whereupon, the matter was committed to the hearing of the Judge of the Admiralty, and the Proctor of Monsieur de Rochepot agreed and consented to the jurisdiction of the court, and so the French party as well as the Easterlings contended upon the matter as to whether it should be tried in France or England. Thereupon, as I remember a sentence was given that the matter should be tried in England, whereupon the French party departed and after sent hither an advocate of France, who took himself to be satisfied with the order taken, and also departed. After the ambassador, now present here, made suit to the king to have the matter remitted to be determined in France, at which time a consultation of learned men before the king’s honourable council was had at Gilford, and there it was thought that the king’s Majesty might, with his honour, remit the matter into France. But it was agreed on the king’s part that if the French king would send his commissary to a place indifferent, then his Majesty would the like and whatsoever should be determined there should be performed. My Lord of Norfolk, me Lord Privy Seal, my Lord of Durham and my Lord of Winchester were at that Council, and my Lord of London was at that time, being the king’s ambassador, fully instructed of the whole matter, but that ever I had any part of that prize or that I were promised any part thereof, my lords, assure yourselves I was not, as God shall and may help me. This, my good lords, I pray the eternal Redeemer to preserve you all in long life good health with long prosperity.

At the Tower, the 24th day of July with the trembling hand of your beadsman.

Wolf Hall 2: The Mirror and the Light – Did Thomas Cromwell attack the Duke of Norfolk over Cardinal Bainbridge’s Murder?

Published on by Caroline Angus2 Comments
Norfolk and Gardiner – BBC/Playground Entertainment/Nick Briggs

Welcome to another installment of the details behind Wolf Hall 2: The Mirror and the Light. Thomas Cromwell’s fall from grace has long been seen as a sudden act – one minute he is being made the Earl of Essex, next he is dead, all because King Henry thought Anna of Cleves was ugly. None of that is true, and The Mirror and the Light shows the pivotal moment where Cromwell’s fall began, a full year before his death. However, the truth of the event is very different to what is shown onscreen.

In The Mirror and the Light episode 4, we see Cromwell at a banquet dinner held at Lambeth Palace by Archbishop Cranmer. All of the Privy Council attend, and Bishop Stephen Gardiner decides to stir up trouble by discussing the murder of Cardinal Bainbridge, talking of how he was poisoned by a priest, but instead veers into fantasy land and suggests Cromwell was the killer. Cromwell lashes out at Norfolk, who is off on another tangent complaining about how Cromwell isn’t good enough to be a nobleman, and conspires against everyone. This scene is a good show of research on Cromwell’s life, but bears no resemblance to the truth.

In 1514, Thomas Cromwell went to Rome, one of several trips he took during the decade, working on behalf of a private legal client to argue the Stratford Langthorne tithe dispute. Having seen the ‘factions and manners’ of the Italians for years, and able to speak fluent Italian and Latin, Cromwell was perfect for the job. In Rome, Cromwell stayed at the English Hospice, San Tommaso di Canterbury. The English Hospice at via Monserrato 45 (now The Venerable English College), sat a block from the Tiber river, and a two-mile walk to the Apostolic Palace. The hostel had been catering to English pilgrims to Rome for almost 200  years, and after renovation and reorganisation by King Henry VII, became an important hub for English diplomats visiting the city.

On his May stay, Cromwell met Lancelot Collins, nephew to the hospice’s master Cardinal Christopher Bainbridge, Archbishop of York, and resident English cardinal in Rome. This meeting between Cromwell and Collins would spark another genuine lifelong friendship, with Collins  considered one of the kindest and most generous men in England by even cynical men. Collins valued his friendship with Cromwell for over twenty years, even when, in later life, it would threaten his safety. But Cromwell had already left Rome by 14 July 1514 when Cardinal Bainbridge was poisoned by Rinaldo de Modena, one of Bainbridge’s chaplains, and rumoured lover who had suffered a beating from the cardinal. When interrogated, Modena confessed to planning the murder with Silvester de Gigli of Lucca, Bishop of Worcester and English ambassador in Rome, however, Modena was soon murdered in prison. Bainbridge’s executors, Richard Pace and John Clerk, wanted Gigli arrested for his part in the death, but Gigli swore that Modena was insane, and no charges were brought in Rome or in England.  Either way, Gigli was not charged and he died himself a few years later. Absolutely nothing in the case had anything to do with Cromwell or Wolsey.

Back to 1539, on 2 July, King Henry, already off on progress, commanded Archbishop Cranmer to host a banquet at Lambeth Palace, with both sides of the religious divide ordered to attend, as everyone remained in London. Henry did not attend, but Cromwell, starting to return to health after three full months, could attend his first public occasion. The banquet would go down in infamy. As a man freshly recovered from a torturous illness, Cromwell was far from the calculating, charming man he portrayed at court. Cranmer’s secretary Ralph Morice recorded the evening, which formed the basis of John Foxe’s later book detailing the event. Cromwell and Cranmer were warmest friends and allies, two leaders of the Reformation in England. Morice recalled a rarely recorded argument between the pair. Cromwell muttered to Cranmer:

‘you were born at a happy hour, for do or say what you, the King will always take it well at your hand. And I must needs confess that in some things I have complained of you unto His Majesty, but all in vain, for he will never give credit against you, whatsoever is laid to your charge, but let me or any other of the Council be complained of, his Grace will most seriously chide and fall out with us.’

Whether this uncommon, disrespectful, and candid complaint came before or after the main fireworks is unknown, as Cromwell again made a scene, publicly fighting with the ever-present, ever-meddling, Duke of Norfolk. Norfolk gave a speech about King Henry’s love for Cranmer, and compared Cranmer to Wolsey, calling Wolsey ‘a churlish prelate … who could never abide a nobleman … you know well enough Lord Crumwell, for he was your master …’ Morice then put down his quill, unwilling to record the awful things Norfolk insinuated about Wolsey and Cromwell. Cromwell, only just out of his sickbed, and already surrounded by enemies and a tense meeting of religious views, stood up to defend Wolsey. Cromwell told the room he did not regret his time with Wolsey, well-paid and well-provided for during their six-year friendship. Cromwell then roundly turned against Norfolk, giving him a caustic sixteenth-century dressing down, among other things, saying:

‘I was never so far in love with (Wolsey) as to have waited upon him in Rome if he had been chosen Pope, as I understand (Norfolk) would have done’.

The exchange does not sound hostile now, but it implied Norfolk was prepared to serve the Catholic faith and the Pope over his king, which would be treason. Norfolk bellowed a denial to the claim. Cromwell, through a lack of manners and a vast memory, told everyone Norfolk received 50,000 florins to transport Wolsey to Rome in 1523 when Wolsey was in place to become the Pope. The florins were proof of Norfolk’s plan to go to Rome with Wolsey. While Cranmer and others at the banquet diffused the screaming match, which was unquestionably complemented by bountiful wine and strong egos, the match had been lit between the men. Neither needed to wear the mask of courtesy again, as the peers of the realm had seen and heard all. Cromwell did not know it, but this banquet was the beginning of his ultimate downfall. The illness he suffered that caused him to miss the parliamentary session and the passing of the Six Articles would cause Cromwell to make numerous mistakes

All sources come from The Private Life of Thomas Cromwell. My publisher might come for you if you plagiarise.