The Great Bible of 1539, with Cromwell in black on the right, and Cranmer in white on the left
In a departure from the usual letters, here is the famous letter written by Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury to King Henry on Thomas Cromwell’s behalf. Cranmer had written to the king about Anne Boleyn’s arrest four year earlier, and that letter sought to keep Cranmer’s, and the Reformation’s, position safe in England. This time, Cranmer was more personal in his letter of defence, and was the only one in a high enough position to stand up in Cromwell’s name.
THOMAS CRANMER, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY TO KING HENRY VIII, ON BEHALF OF THOMAS CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX, 12 June 1540 (Cranmer’s Works, 1846, p.401)
“I heard yesterday in your Grace’s Council, that he (Crumwell) is a traitor, yet who cannot be sorrowful and amazed that he should be a traitor against your Majesty, he that was so advanced by your Majesty; he whose surety was only by your Majesty; he who loved your Majesty, as I ever thought, no less than God; he who studied always to set forwards whatsoever was your Majesty’s will and pleasure; he that cared for no man’s displeasure to serve your Majesty; he that was such a servant in my judgment, in wisdom, diligence, faithfulness, and experience, as no prince in this realm ever had; he that was so vigilant to preserve your Majesty from all treasons, that few could be so secretly conceived, but he detected the same in the beginning? If the noble princes of memory, King John, Henry the Second, and Richard II had had such a counsellor about them, I suppose that they should never have been so traitorously abandoned, and overthrown as those good princes were: I loved him as my friend, for so I took him to be; but I chiefly loved him for the love which I thought I saw him bear ever towards your Grace, singularly above all other. But now, if he be a traitor, I am sorry that ever I loved him or trusted him, and I am very glad that his treason is discovered in time; but yet again I am very sorrowful; for who shall your Grace trust hereafter, if you might not trust him? Alas! I bewail and lament your Grace’s chance herein, I wot not whom your Grace may trust. But I pray God continually night and day, to send such a counsellor in his place whom your Grace may trust, and who for all his qualities can and will serve your Grace like to him, and that will have so much solicitude and care to preserve your Grace from all dangers as I ever thought hehad…[5]
A surprising thing happened on the afternoon of 10 June 1540 – Thomas Cromwell was running late. Sure, he had been at Parliament in the morning, and had a Privy Council meeting at 3pm, but Cromwell didn’t need to go far between his two important tasks for the day. Cromwell was never late for anything, and no record exists explaining why Cromwell had to rush into a Privy Council meeting already attended by all members – and William Kingston, Constable of the Tower.
What was not a surprise was the arrest of Thomas Cromwell. Many were stunned by the news that the Lord Privy Seal, the King’s Chief Minister, the most powerful man in England, was suddenly arrested on vague charges, sent to the Tower on the King’s command. But in truth, the clues had been spread out of the course of the previous year, and Cromwell’s chief enemies, Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, and Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, had slowly tightened the net around their common nemesis.
Parliament had been dissolved in July 1536 and did not sit again until Henry summoned his ministers in March 1539. Cromwell had ensured Parliament sat regularly from 1529, running yearly reformation parliaments, changing the nature of politics under King Henry. But the Pilgrimage of Grace, the death of Jane Seymour, and Henry’s increasing illness and paranoia had got in the way of Cromwell’s changes. Cromwell’s political to-do list was huge by 1539, although his religious reforms had continued without parliament and despite the rebellion of 1536-37.
Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk
Cromwell gets unlucky
Just prior to parliament’s opening on 28 April 1539, Cromwell fell ill, which he described by letter to Henry as an ague or tertian fever (possibly malaria).[1] Cromwell suffered a number of near-fatal illnesses throughout his time at court, usually always in spring, managing to beat them every time. Cromwell’s 1539 illness was a brutal one, rendering the Lord Privy Seal bedridden at Austin Friars and then at St James’ Palace, which was kept for his use, through most of April and May. Cromwell was seen outside St James’ when a muster of Henry’s troops, led by Ralph Sadler and included Richard and Gregory Cromwell, marched past the Palace, but the amount of work he completed almost ground to a halt.
While Cromwell lay in his sickbed, Norfolk was ready to pounce. He summoned the Convocation of Canterbury, and invited Convocation of York members as well, and pushed reform through the House of Lords, where Cromwell was too ill to attend. Norfolk was the face of The Six Articles,[2] which rolled back Cromwell’s reformist changes. The Six Articles, mostly dealing with matters of the Eucharist, clerical celibacy, vows of chastity, transubstantiation, private masses and confessions, brought King Henry and England way back to Catholic practises. By the time the first session of parliament closed in June, Cromwell still had not appeared before the House of Lords or House of Commons, and the damage to the Reformation had been done.
Cromwell loses his cool
King Henry wanted religious unity in England before he went on progress, and set up a banquet at Cranmer’s place, Lambeth Palace, but refused to attend himself. Cranmer was already in a poor mood, as he had just sent his wife and daughter from England,[3] as his marriage was deemed illegal by the Six Articles. All sides of religious debate attended the banquet, Cromwell included, on 2 July 1539. After years of backstabbing, rumours and snide comments, Cromwell and Norfolk had the public fight that had long been brewing. Norfolk gleefully slandered Wolsey before the banquet and Cromwell snapped, accusing Norfolk of supporting Rome over England. Norfolk had begged to go to Rome with Wolsey when the cardinal expected to be made Pope in 1523, remembering every detail, down to the money Norfolk made during the negotiations to have Wolsey elected, acting as the ‘protector of the future Pope’ and sailed the Mary Rose, to accompany Emperor Charles’ ship from England.[4] These details enraged Norfolk, essentially being accusing as a traitor to his king and his country.
Duchess Anna, Daughter of Cleves
Cromwell accidentally picks the wrong queen
Cromwell wanted to push harder than ever to secure the Reformation in England. The monasteries were almost dissolved, and the delegation went to the German States to secure a royal bride and alliance with the Schmalkaldic League, with its powerful Lutheran army. Holbein brought home portraits of Anna and Amalia, Duchesses of Cleves in October 1539, and Henry decided to marry Anna in a rush.[5] There are no reports Cromwell ever bragged of Anna’s qualities, nor that Holbein’s over-exaggerated Anna’s beauty. Anna had a powerful Lutheran brother, Wilhelm, Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, and her sister, Sybilla, Electress of Saxony, wife to the head of Schmalkaldic League. Duchess Anna was perfect for England; young, beautiful, clever and well-connected. The duchess of a Lutheran state, which was still part of the Holy Roman Empire. She was strongly supported by her Lutheran family but was Catholic like her mother.[6] Cleves was the perfect ‘middle-way’ of religion, needed to secure alliances and peace.
By the time that Anna had finally reached England to marry King Henry in January 1540, international movements had ruined everything Cromwell had crafted. Henry was listening to the whispers of Norfolk and Gardiner, turning back to Catholicism. Anna’s brother Wilhelm had all-but declared war against Emperor Charles over the German state of Guelders. Once Henry married Anna, England would be in alliance and could have to fight against Emperor Charles. France swayed back and forth, helping to undo all negotiations of alliances between these formidable powers of Europe. Cromwell couldn’t undo the marriage contract; he had helped to create it, and it was water-tight.
The long-held rumours of Henry calling Anna ugly, “a Flanders mare,” have dogged the tale through the centuries, despite documents telling a very different story. Jousts were held in Anna’s honour; the people spoke of her beauty and kindness.[7] England quickly warmed to Anna, but Henry wanted out of any alliance that could mean war. Emperor Charles was furious that England would align with the reformers, but the Germans were also unhappy with the marriage, with Henry not backing them on matters of war, and not undoing the infuriating Six Articles. Cromwell had promised the German ambassadors he would crush Norfolk and the Six Articles, but had lost the power in parliament and convocations to do so.
Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester
Cromwell makes a mistake
Despite all the troubles with Anna, Henry still believed in Cromwell, confiding in him about his impotence with Anna, and making Cromwell the Earl of Essex and Lord Great Chamberlain in April 1540. While the marriage was still sound, Cromwell had completed the Dissolution of the Monasteries and made Henry rich. Cromwell’s enemies, such as Norfolk and Gardiner, were stunned, as were Ambassador Chapuys and Ambassador Marillac. Gardiner and Cromwell had been together at dinner at Austin Friars only weeks before, where Cromwell made a mistake. Cromwell told Gardiner “if the king did turn from the Reformation, I would not turn from it; and if the king turned, and all his people too, I would fight them in the field, with my sword in my hand, against the king and all others.”[8] Cromwell had already lost many allies in parliament and at court as religious changes slowly peeled apart, and this comment would come back to haunt him.
Thomas Wriothesley
Cromwell has a slip of the tongue
In May, Cromwell again made a mistake. He had almost secured an annulment for Henry and Anna, based on a flimsy pre-contract from Anna’s childhood, and was in initial stages of an alliance with France, seen running around the May Day jousts like a crazed man, trying to juggle national and international diplomacy. But he made a rare misstep soon after, admitting aloud of Henry’s impotence to Thomas Wriothesley one tired evening.[9] So many little moments were beginning to add up against Cromwell, just as it had for so many others.
For a long time so many men had sneered at Cromwell’s power. Norfolk had Henry’s ear, as did Gardiner, Bishop Bonner of London, Sir Anthony Browne, and Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall, all on the Privy Council. Cromwell’s life was still looking up in June 1540 – he had unlimited power in England, his son Gregory was happily married to Elizabeth Seymour and they had three healthy sons, Henry, Edward, and Thomas, at Leeds Castle. Richard Cromwell had just been knighted and called ‘the king’s diamond’ by Henry as he was given a diamond off his own hand. Ralph Sadler, a man so close to Cromwell he was practically a son, was now Principal Secretary to the king, shared with Thomas Wriothesley, one of Cromwell’s most loyal men, in a role Cromwell relinquished to them. Queen Anna’s marriage could be undone, giving Cromwell a chance to secure religious reform alongside Archbishop Cranmer.
Yet, for some unknown reason, Cromwell was late to the Privy Council meeting, where he was quickly called a traitor by most, if not all, of the councillors (though among them was his nephew Richard Cromwell, and close friends Thomas Cranmer and Thomas Audley, who never spoke against him). Even Richard Rich, a long-time colleague, did not defend his master. Sir John Russell, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir William Fitzwilliam and Sir Robert Radcliffe, while not on record as calling for Cromwell’s head, also did not defend the Lord Privy Seal. Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk and head of the Privy Council, likewise did not speak against Cromwell (Cromwell was godfather to Suffolk’s son Henry[10] and probable godfather to Suffolk’s granddaughter Jane Grey). But Suffolk allowed Kingston to arrest Cromwell, who threw his cap on the table before the Council and cried, “I am no traitor! Your Grace, members of the Council, is this reward for good service done unto His Majesty the king? I put it to your consciences, am I a traitor as your accusations imply? Well, no matter, for I renounce all pardons or grace needed, for I never offended the king, and it matters only if the king himself thinks me a traitor, and he would never have me linger long!”[11]
Norfolk pulled Cromwell’s golden collar from his shoulders, while Fitzwilliam pulled the garter from Cromwell’s leg,[12] as he was still wearing his parliamentary robes, no time to change between meetings. Cromwell was arrested as a traitor, almost eleven years after Reginald Pole had expected to see Cromwell rowed to the Tower alongside Cardinal Wolsey. Cromwell’s work on securing a Schmalkaldic alliance showed he was in league with Lutherans and Calvinists across Europe, that he had contacted a marriage that Henry couldn’t remain in, and he had uttered treasonous words to Gardiner over dinner.[13] The Six Articles had got in the way of so many of Cromwell’s reforms, making him appear ineffectual, and Henry knew of Cromwell’s slip-up to Wriothesley about impotence. Cromwell had been betrayed by people close to him, and he left Westminster in a boat to the Tower, where he was housed in the Queen’s rooms – the same rooms Anne Boleyn had stayed in only four years earlier.
Wriothesley himself drafted letters that day to John Wallop, Nicolas Wootton and Christopher Pate in France that very day, talking of Cromwell’s arrest,[14] though letters from Wallop arrived to Cromwell in the following days, having not received the news right away. French Ambassador Charles Marillac wrote to King Francis that very day, writing, “I have just heard that Thomas Cramuel, keeper of the Privy Seal and Vicar-General of the Spirituality, who, since the Cardinal’s death, had the principal management of the affairs of this kingdom, and had been newly made Grand Chamberlain, was an hour ago led prisoner to the Tower and all his goods attached. Although this might be thought a private matter and of little importance, inasmuch as they have only reduced thus a personage to the state from which they raised him and treated him as hitherto everyone said he deserved, yet, considering that public affairs thereby entirely change their course, especially as regards the innovations in religion of which Cramuel was principal author, the news seems of such importance that it ought to be written forthwith. I can add nothing but that no articles of religion are yet concluded, and that the bishops are daily assembled to resolve them, and meanwhile Parliament continues. They were on the point of closing this when a gentleman of this court came to say from the King that I should not be astonished because Cramuel was sent to the Tower, and that, as the common, ignorant people spoke of it variously, the King wished me to know the truth. The substance was that the King, wishing by all possible means to lead back religion to the way of truth, Cramuel was attached to the German Lutherans, had always favoured the doctors who preached such erroneous opinions and hindered those who preached the contrary, and that recently, warned by some of his principal servants to reflect that he was working against the intention of the King and of the Acts of Parliament, he had betrayed himself and said he hoped to suppress the old preachers and have only the new, adding that the affair would soon be brought to such a pass that the King with all his power could not prevent it, but rather his own party would be so strong that Cramuel would make the King descend to the new doctrines even if he had to take arms against him. These plots were told the King by those who heard them and who esteemed their fealty more than the favour of their master. The King also sent word that when he spoke with me that he would tell things which would show how great was the guilt of said Cramuel and that said lord has so long been able to conceal it and the right opportunity now came to give orders.”[15]
Marillac also wrote to Anne Montmorency, Constable of France, saying, “what I wrote last is now verified touching the division among this King’s ministers, who are trying to destroy each other. Cramuel’s party seemed the strongest lately by the taking of the dean of the Chapel, Bishop of Chichester, but it seems quite overthrown by the taking of the said lord Cramuel, who was chief of his group, and there remain only on his side the Archbishop of Canterbury, who dare not open his mouth, and the lord Admiral, who has long learnt to bend to all winds, and they have for open enemies the Duke of Norfolk and the others. The thing is the more marvellous as it was unexpected by everyone.”[16]
Tomorrow – 11 June: Cranmer begs for Cromwell’s life.
Princess Mary in 1544 by Master John Browne NPG428
In an uncharacteristically rude manner, Cromwell writes to Princess Mary, no doubt under command to the King, and admonishes her for not signing the oath and swearing loyalty to her father. Princess Mary was in grave danger by this time, and Cromwell knew that Mary’s allegiance to Henry was the only thing that would save her. But after years of kind words to Mary, this letter must have arrived at Hunsdon to her great surprise.
CROMWELL TO THE PRINCESS MARY, 10 June 1536 (MSS Otho. C. x. 273)
I have received your letters, whereby it appears you be in great discomfort, and do desire that I should find the means to speak with you. Your discomfort can be no greater than mine, who upon your letters have spoken so much of your repentance for your wilful obstinacy against the King, and of your humble submission to obey his pleasure and laws in all things without exception or qualification. Knowing how diversely and contrarily you have proceeded at the late being of his Majesty’s Council with you, I am ashamed of what I have said and afraid of what I have done. What the sequel shall be God knows. With your folly you undo yourself, and I say to you, as I have said elsewhere heretofore, it were pity you should not be an example in punishment, if you will make yourself an example in the contempt of God, your natural father and his laws by your only fantasy, contrary to the judgments and determinations of all men that ye must confess do know and love God as well as you. To be plain with you, I think you the most obstinate woman that ever was, and I dare not open my lips to name you unless I have such a ground thereto that it may appear you were mistaken, or at least that you repent your ingratitude and are ready to do your duty. I have therefore sent you a book of articles to subscribe, on receiving which from you again, with a letter declaring that you think in your heart as you have subscribed with your hand, I will venture to speak for your reconciliation. If you do not leave all sinister counsels, which have brought you to the point of undoing, I take leave of you for ever, and desire you to write to me no more, for I will never think you other than the most ungrateful, unnatural, and most obstinate person living, both to God and your most dear and benign father. And I advise you to nothing, but I beseech God never to help me if I know it not so certainly to be your bounden duty, by God’s laws and man’s laws, that I must needs judge that person that shall refuse it not meet to live in a Christian congregation; to the witness whereof I take Christ, whose mercy I refuse if I write anything unto you that I have not professed in my heart and know to be true.
Princess Mary wrote to Cromwell that same day: ‘You will see I have followed your advice and will do so in all things concerning my duty to the King, God and my conscience not offended; for I take you as one of my chief friends next his Grace and the Queen. I desire you, for Christ’s passion, to find means that I be not moved to any further entry in this matter than I have done; for I assure you I have done the utmost my conscience will suffer me, and I neither desire nor intend to do less than I have done.’[1]
Another letter arrived from Princess Mary on 13 June, saying she had copied the letter Cromwell had ordered her to copy out and send to Henry, and she added, ‘Good Mr. Secretary, I do thank you with all my heart for the great pain and suit you have had for me. I see by your letters that you mislike my exception in my letter to the King. I assure you I did not mean it as you take it, for I do not mistrust that the King’s goodness will move me to do anything which should offend God and my conscience. But that which I did write was only by the reason of continual custom; for I have always used both in writing and speaking to except God in all things, same word for word; and it is unsealed, because I cannot endure to write another copy.’[2]
Had Bishop Stephen Gardiner, ambassador to King Francis in Paris, not kept this letter, there would be no mention from Thomas Cromwell about the case against Anne Boleyn and her co-conspirators in 1536. Cromwell writes to tell Gardiner and his secretary Sir John Wallop about Anne’s crimes and a threat against the King’s life, leaving out all details. Cromwell also promises money to Gardiner, which came from the money collected from the men owed to the king.. Europe needed to know that Anne Boleyn had sinned against the king so much that serious action was taken for the king’s protection. Neither Cromwell nor anyone else believed in the case, and no one else in Europe ever seemed to take the case seriously either, but happily accepted Jane Seymour as queen a few weeks later.
Nothing about the case against Anne survives, none of Cromwell’s handwriting appears anywhere on the topic, except for his signature at the bottom of this letter. Cromwell did not take part in any of the trials or attend anything to do with the king’s new marriage. See Planning the Murder of Anne Boleyn for all the details.
Bishop Stephen Gardiner c.1523, Liechtenstein Museum GE92
THOMAS CROMWELL TO STEPHEN GARDINER AND JOHN WALLOP, 14 May 1536
(Add. MSS. 25,114, f. 160)
To myn Assured Loving friends my lord of Winchestre and S John Wallop knight the King Ambassadors in Fraunce in hast post
After my right hearty commendations, albeit you shall at this time receive no answer to your letters sent by Salisbury, being the same deferred till the arrival of the bailiff of Troyes, yet the king’s highness thought convenient that I should advertise you of a chance, as most detestably and abominably devised, contrived, imagined done and continued, so most happily and graciously by the ordinance of God revelled, manifested, and notoriously known to all men.
Whereof, though you have heard, I doubt not, the rumour, yet I shall express to you some pain of the coming out, and of the king preceding in the same. The queen’s abomination both in incontinent living, and other offences towards the king’s highness was so rank and common, that her ladies of her privy chamber and her chambers could not contain it within their breasts. But detesting the same had so often continuations and conference of it, that at the last it came so plainly to the cares of some of his grace’s council that, with their duty to his Majesty, they could not conceal it from him, but with great fear, as the case enforced declared what they heard to his highness.
Whereupon, in most secret sort, certain persons of the privy chamber and others of her side were examined, in which examinations the matter appeared so evident, that beside that crime, with the accidents, there broke out a certain conspiracy of the king’s death, which extended so far that all we that had the examination of it quaked at the danger his Grace was in, and on our knees gave Him laude and praise that He had preserved him so long from it, and now manifested the most wretched and detestable determination of the same.
Thus, were certain men committed to the Tower for this cause, that is Mark (Smeaton) and (Henry) Norris, and her brother (George). Then was she apprehended, and conveyed to the same place, after her was sent thither for the crimes specified, Sir Francis Weston and William Brereton. And Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Mark be already condemned to death, upon arraignment in Westminster Hall on Friday last. She and her brother shall be arraigned tomorrow and will undoubtedly go the same way.
I write no particularities, the things be so abominable, that I think the like was never heard, and therefore I doubt not but this shall be sufficient for your instruction to declare the truth if you have occasion so to do. Your lordship shall get in 200 pounds (around £120,000 today) of the 300 pounds that were out amongst these men, notwithstanding great suit has been made for the whole, which though the king’s highness might give in this case, yet his Majesty does not forget your service. And the third 100 pounds is bestowed of the vicar of hell (Francis Bryan), upon whom though it be some charge to you, his highness trusts you will think it well bestowed. And thus, fare you most heartily well from the (Chancery of the) Rolls in haste, this 14th of May
Your loving assured friend
THOMAS CRUMWELL
And you, Master Wallop, shall not at this time be forgotten, but the certainty of that you shall have I cannot tell, but in the next letters you shall know it, and I assure you the king’s highness takes both your services in as thankful part as yourself could wish or devise.
The authorities at the University of Oxford had, for approximately six months, been creating laws contrary to the King’s, creating overly serious punishments for perceived crimes of locals. The Submission of the Clergy meant that the power to make laws, dispense justice, and decideupon punishments and fines, had all transferred away from those in the church to the crown. The University and the clergy could no longer had the right to do as they pleased and the king was furious at the usurpation of his power. A list of complaints exists, centred mostly around William Tresham, the commissary of the University, attempting to enact laws and speaking in the king’s name to the townspeople. The men of the university were essentially trying to extort money and goods from the local marketplace, which held special large events at multiple times per years, to the profit of the locals. Oxford University was still attempted to extort their cut of the profits, which they were no longer entitled to take. The University wrote to Cromwell the same day as his letter, arguing that they were, ‘molested by the townspeople, who did not understand the University’s privileges.’
The wording in today’s world may not sound harsh, but to receive words like those from Secretary Thomas Cromwell, as so commanded by King Henry, meant they were very serious about curbing Oxford’s power. Cromwell had worked around Oxford for years, both before and after his time with Wolsey, on the building of Christ’s, later King’s, College, and William Tresham was a friend, who had called upon Cromwell multiple times as a lawyer and colleague. The letter may seem simple enough, but it marks a clear line where Catholic control and privilege was being removed in England.
King Henry standing on Pope Clement VII, with Cranmer and Cromwell at his side (left) as printed in John Foxe
CROMWELL TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, 6 May 1534 (LP vii no. 618)
To the Chuncelour and comissarie wt other the heddes and membres of the vnyversite of Oxforde be this given
I commend me to you and advertise to you that the king’s highness is credibly informed of your abusings, usurpations and ungentle demeanour used towards the king’s highness’ subjects and inhabitants of the town of Oxford and suburbs of the same. I cannot but marvel that you, being men of learning, and in whom should remain both wisdom and discretion, will, in such ways, demean yourself, not only in making of laws and ordinances amongst yourself to their hindrance, hurt and prejudice, but also contrary to the king’s laws, which appertain to you, to have proceeded for nothing but mere malice.
Wherefore, intending to conduce and elect you to some good conformity and quietness, the king’s highness, therefore, has commanded me to advise you not only to restore all such persons as you have discommoned (deprived), permitting them to do and occupy as they did before, without maintaining or suffering any scholar or servants who they are occupied with in the town or suburb of the same as a burgesses (citizens), except if he or they do agree with the said burgesses.
But also, that in no ways you do vex, trouble or inquiet any of the said inhabitants by suspension, excommunication, discommoning, banishment or otherwise, using such discretion that all variances may cease and be stayed amongst you. So as all malice and evil will being contemned and expulsed from you, good amity, peace, and quietness may take place accordingly.
And doubt you not, or it be long the King’s Council, by his gracious commandment, will and have determined to set such an end and redress amongst you, as god willing shall be an establishing of a perpetual peace, good unity and accord amongst you forever. Fail not in this to do as you will answer to the king’s highness and avoid the danger of his indignation and high displeasure. And so fare you well.